Alaska Air Group (ALK) announced that it will do away with the Virgin America name in 2019.
At this juncture, we advise investors to forget Gilead (GILD), a Zacks Rank #4 (Sell) stock, and invest in some other small cap biotech stocks (market capitalization below $200 million) that carry an impressive Zacks Rank.
Aston Martin анонсировал программу по созданию новых версий своих моделей. Вновь созданный бренд AMR станет промежуточной стадией между обычными дорожными Aston Martin и их гоночными версиями.Первыми новинками AMR стали 600-сильный седан Rapide и 507-сильное купе Vantage. Оба автомобиля получили зелёную окраску кузова с акцентами лимонного цвета, чёрные колёсные диски (21 дюйм у Rapide и 19 дюймов у Vantage), а кроме того — углепластиковый аэродинамический обвес кузова и отделку салона кожей, алькантарой и карбоном. Седан Aston Martin Rapide AMR маркой позиционируется как самая быстрая четырёхместная машина в мире. Купе Aston Martin Vantage AMR Pro рассчитано на использование исключительно на гоночной трассе. Для этого на автомобиль установлен каркас безопасности и регулируемая подвеска, шины Michelin Pilot Cup 2, капот и антикрыло от гоночного V8 Vantage GTE.
From Hassan Kamel Al-Sabbah, a Lebanese-born American serial inventor, to Ahmed Zewail, the 1999 Nobel laureate in chemistry, to Farouk El-Baz, a NASA and MIT scientist who helped plan the Apollo landing, to Elias A. Zerhouni, the 15th director of the National Institutes of Health, Arab immigrants have made major contributions to American science and technology. As the Trump administration attempts to limit immigration from several Arab states, these contributions deserve extra attention. The problem is that to date there has been little work to document the extent of Arab contributions to American innovation. We recently set out to remedy that, and our analysis suggests that Arab inventors play a major role in U.S. innovation. They also contribute significantly to the success of major U.S. tech companies. To shed more light on Arab contributions to the U.S. innovation system, we ran an exercise matching Arabic first names with international patent applications filed under the Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT). This data includes patents by people residing in the U.S. and around the world. Our approach has been used before, in a study of ethnic innovation in the U.S. as well as in a study of female inventors. There are obvious shortcomings to this approach. For instance, many non-Arab Muslims have Arabic first names, such as Mohammad, Ali, or Omar, while some Arabs have non-Arabic names. We tried to mitigate this problem by excluding non-Arab variations of Arabic names that are common for non-Arab Muslims. Another shortcoming is that we were not able to discern whether someone was born in the U.S., though we could tell whether they have patented in the U.S. Despite these limitations, we believe this analysis is valuable, and an improvement on our limited existing knowledge. Moreover, the immigration policies put forward by the Trump administration do not readily distinguish between Muslim and Arab identities — both appear to be targeted. So our analysis remains relevant, even to the extent that it fails to perfectly distinguish between the two groups. Having acknowledged the ambiguity built into our methods, we will refer to “Arab inventors” throughout this article. It turns out that the U.S. is a major home for Arab inventors. In the five-year period from 2009 to 2013, there were 8,786 U.S. patent applications in our data set that had at least one Arab inventor. Of the total U.S. patent applications, 3.4% had at least one Arab inventor, despite the fact that Arab inventors represent only 0.3% of the total population. As patents usually have multiple inventors, and Arab inventors often patent jointly with non-Arabs, 2,962 patents, or 1.2%, can be contributed exclusively to Arab inventors. California alone, with 1134 patents, had more patent filings by Arab inventors than any country outside the U.S. It serves as a home for more than one-third of PCT patent applications from Arab inventors in the U.S., and about 16% of all Arab patents worldwide. Europe is home to far fewer Arab inventors: There were only 1,424 patent applications from EU-28 countries that had an Arab name associated with them. Among countries other than the U.S., the order was the following: France (513 patent applications), Canada (361), Germany (342), Saudi Arabia (307), Japan (279) and the UK (273). Not only is the U.S. the main home of Arab inventors, but the number of Arab patents increased 62% over 10 years, from 1,826 patent applications from 1999–2003 to 2,962 from 2009–2013. This growth rate was about 2.6 times higher than the respective growth rate of 40% for total U.S. patenting in the same time period. Arab inventors show some technological specialization in information and communication technologies. They are overrepresented in electrical and communication technology, computing, calculating, and counting. Another large field is medical and veterinary sciences. Arab inventors also contribute significantly to America’s tech scene, in Silicon Valley, Boston, and elsewhere. Tech entrepreneurs such Amr Awadallah, cofounder of Cloudera, Ayah Bdeir, founder and CEO of LittleBits, Rana El Kaliouby of Affectiva, Sharif El Badawi of TechWadi, Mo Gawdat of Google, and Oussama Khatib, director of the Stanford Robotics Lab, are but a few examples of Arab immigrants making major contributions to America’s innovation scene. This is evident in the patent data: Arab inventors’ contributions to major U.S. tech companies have been increasing dramatically over the last 15 years. We also looked at data on how Arab inventors who weren’t born in the U.S. immigrate to America. Arabs and people from the Middle East and North Africa in general do not benefit much from the H-1B visa, collectively receiving fewer than 10% of total visas granted to foreign-born skilled workers. While there were around 108,000 students from the Middle East and North Africa in the U.S. in 2016, people from these regions are not among the top recipients of PhDs at U.S. universities. This suggests that the bulk of Arab inventors settle in the U.S. through other immigration channels, such as family reunion and as refugees. This has relevance for the immigration debate going on in the U.S. In 2013 there were approximately 1.02 million immigrants from Arab countries residing in the United States, representing 2.5% of the nation’s 41.3 million immigrants. About 43% of Arab immigrants age 25 and over had a bachelor’s degree or higher, more than the 28% of all immigrants and 30% of native-born adults who did. Skilled Arab immigrants are more likely than other major ethnic groups to arrive in the U.S. on a non-skilled visa. The recent visa ban on citizens from or born in seven countries in the Middle East and Africa has negative implications for American and foreign companies in the U.S., especially those with R&D operations. The management of R&D projects will become more difficult and less efficient as the movement of personnel between firms’ U.S. and international sites becomes more complicated. Furthermore, projects’ staffing as well as companies’ hiring could become extra sensitive to the potential risk of denial of entry to the U.S., putting logistical conveniences ahead of merit, efficiency, and effectiveness. Finally, both domestic and international companies will have a greater incentive to relocate some of their R&D activities to outside the U.S. in order to avoid the hassles associated with border crossing in and out of the U.S. Not only do immigrants from Arab countries tend to be in possession of higher education levels than the overall population or other immigrant groups, but highly educated immigrants in general are most conducive to trade flows. Despite the Trump administration’s continued skepticism over trade, research suggests that highly skilled immigrants, particularly those in business development roles, generate over 10 times the value of trade that average immigrants do. President Trump has campaigned on the platform of “making America great again,” but the evidence we have suggests that his punitive visa system will make this a more difficult goal to achieve.
American Airlines (AAL) reported better-than-expected earnings in the quarter.
Options traders are pricing in a big move for Amyris (AMRS) shares as it has huge implied volatility.
Во втором поколении этот бюджетный смартфон довольно сильно изменил свою внешность. Кроме того, его современную начинку дополнили, помимо прочего, быстрой зарядкой и дактилоскопическим сканером. Все плюсы и минусы доступного по цене Wileyfox Swift 2 оценили Вести.Hi-tech
American Beacon Small Cap Value Investor (AVPAX) a Zacks Rank #2 (Buy) was incepted in March 1999 and is managed by AMR Investment Services, Inc.
Amyris (AMRS) should not be considered as it holds an unfavorable Zacks Rank and it has seen negative earnings estimate revisions.
Combating anti-microbial resistance (AMR) requires much better scientific understanding than now of the myriad of pathways by which resistance emerges and spreads, a United Nations report urges.
While industrial robotic machines and automatons have been used in production plants for years, recent advances in AI have led to the emergence of a new breed of 'intelligent' robots that represent the future of warehouse automation. According to Maria Kaplan in her article titled Will Robots Take Over Ecommerce Warehouses?, the very first warehouse robots, Kiva System's automated guided vehicles, or bots, were used by Amazon in their fulfillment centers. In 2012, Amazon acquired Kiva Systems and renamed the company Amazon Robotics. Today there are almost 30,000 bots in operation spread across 10 massive Amazon warehouses. These bots can pick up entire shelves of products and deliver them to packing stations in different areas of a warehouse. Sensors prevent collisions and an algorithm determines the most popular items and the closest supply. Advantages of Total Warehouse Automation The ARC Advisory Group's report on global warehouse automation and control market in 2015 titled Warehouse Automation Market Experiencing Dramatic Growth states that, "Rapid growth in the worldwide market for warehouse automation and control systems is being driven primarily by the global boom in e-commerce, and its profound effects on fulfillment requirements." Unlike a human labor force, robots do not require vacation time, sick days, paid leave, lunch breaks or health insurance. Since retailers are looking for new ways to reduce both operations and logistics costs and delivery time, robots offer an attractive, cost-saving alternative to traditional human labor. Robots in e-commerce Warehouses With Amazon Robotics leading the way, there are many new entrants in the autonomous mobile robotics (AMR) market that boast improvements in the management, control and automation of warehouse operations. While some offer the benefits of completely automated pick-and-package systems, others specialize in logistics operations for high-volume orders. Some warehouses are also experimenting with special robots for speed-sorting where parcels are sorted and packaged based on their size, weight and dimensions. A related industry that is also on the rise includes self-driving transport vehicles that automate the delivery of materials in warehouses. They assist in performing tasks like receiving, unloading, inventory RAW, WIP, FG, shipping, loading, fulfillment, pick/pack and palletizing. A variant of these automated vehicles can be programmed for trackless navigation. Some of the most popular and expensive warehouse automatons are the multi-robot fulfillment systems that work alongside humans to transport totes containing scanned items to the warehouse. These robots travel in a fleet and can navigate autonomously under the guidance of a server. Some can also pick up entire mobile racks and deliver them to workstations staffed by humans. Disadvantages of Automations With the average cost of a warehouse robot around $35,000, complete automation is a dream for smaller retailers. The high cost of automation versus human employee salaries, perks and benefits is the limiting factor that prevents most retailers from completely automating their warehouse control and material handling systems. The prospect of losing jobs to automatons also has labor unions and employee groups up in arms. While most people enjoy some assistance from robots in their jobs, a fully automated warehouse would remove the need for humans to perform basic repetitive tasks. The Robotics Era Automation may hold the key to gaining a competitive edge in the market, which is why many big ecommerce retailers are converting to keep up with current global trends. The emergence of new 'smart' robots has reduced the time and effort required to scan and update stock inventory, pack parcels, arrange items on shelves and complete other related tasks. Janney Capital Markets predicts that retailers in North America will reduce fulfillment costs by $450 million to $900 million in coming years. It seems that a future of total warehouse automation with increasingly sophisticated features and facilities is at hand. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
Empire Of Chaos Cross-posted with TomDispatch.com The one thing you could say about empires is that, at or near their height, they have always represented a principle of order as well as domination. So here’s the confounding thing about the American version of empire in the years when this country was often referred to as “the sole superpower,” when it was putting more money into its military than the next 10 nations combined: it’s been an empire of chaos. Back in September 2002, Amr Moussa, then head of the Arab League, offered a warning I’ve never forgotten. The Bush administration’s intention to invade Iraq and topple its ruler, Saddam Hussein, was already obvious. Were they to take such a step, Moussa insisted, it would “open the gates of hell.” His prediction turned out to be anything but hyperbole ― and those gates have never again closed. The Wars Come Home From the moment of the invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001, in fact, everything the U.S. military touched in these years has turned to dust. Nations across the Greater Middle East and Africa collapsed under the weight of American interventions or those of its allies, and terror movements, one grimmer than the next, spread in a remarkably unchecked fashion. Afghanistan is now a disaster zone; Yemen, wracked by civil war, a brutal U.S.-backed Saudi air campaign, and various ascendant terror groups, is essentially no more; Iraq, at best, is a riven sectarian nation; Syria barely exists; Libya, too, is hardly a state these days; and Somalia is a set of fiefdoms and terror movements. All in all, it’s quite a record for the mightiest power on the planet, which, in a distinctly un-imperial fashion, has been unable to impose its military will or order of any sort on any state or even group, no matter where it chose to act in these years. It’s hard to think of a historical precedent for this. Meanwhile, from the shattered lands of the empire of chaos stream refugees by the millions, numbers not seen since vast swaths of the globe were left in rubble at the end of World War II. Startling percentages of the populations of various failed and failing states, including stunning numbers of children, have been driven into internal exile or sent fleeing across borders and, fromAfghanistan to North Africa to Europe, they are shaking up the planet in unsettling ways (as their fantasy versions shook up the election here in the U.S.). It’s something of a cliché to say that, sooner or later, the frontier wars of empires come home to haunt the imperial heartland in curious ways. Certainly, such has been the case for our wars on the peripheries. In various forms ― from the militarization of the police to the loosing of spy drones in American skies and of surveillance technology tested on distant battlefields ― it’s obvious that America’s post-9/11 conflicts have returned to “the homeland,” even if, most of the time, we have paid remarkably little attention to this phenomena. And that, I suspect, is the least significant way in which our wars have been repatriated. What Election 2016 made clear was that the empire of chaos has not remained a phenomenon of the planet’s backlands. It’s with us in the United States, right here, right now. And it’s come home in a fashion that no one has yet truly tried to make sense of. Can’t you feel the deep and spreading sense of disorder that lay at the heart of the bizarre election campaign that roiled this country, brought the most extreme kinds of racism and xenophobia back into the mainstream, and with Donald Trump’s election, may never really end? Using the term of tradecraft that Chalmers Johnson borrowed from the CIA and popularized, think of this as, in some strange fashion, the ultimate in imperial blowback. There’s a history to be written of how such disorder came home, of how it warped the American system and our democratic form of governance, of how a process that began decades ago not in the stew of defeat or disaster but in a moment of unparalleled imperial triumph undermined so much. If I had to choose a date to begin that history, I think I would start in 1979 in Afghanistan, a country that, if you were an American but not a hippie backpacker, you might then have had trouble locating on a map. And if someone had told you at the time that, over the next nearly four decades, your country would be involved in at least a quarter-century of wars there, you would undoubtedly have considered him mad. As our first declinist candidate for president, Donald J. Trump did at least express something new and true about the nature of our country. Thought of a certain way, the empire of chaos began in a victory so stunning, so complete, so imperial that it essentially helped drive the other superpower, that “Evil Empire” the Soviet Union, to implode. It began, in fact, with the desire of Jimmy Carter’s national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, to give the Soviets a bloody nose, or to be more precise, a taste of America’s Vietnam experience, to trap the Red Army in an Afghan quagmire. In that light, the CIA would run a massive, decade-long covert program to fund, arm, and train fundamentalist opponents of the leftwing Afghan government in Kabul and of the occupying Red Army. To do so, it fatefully buddied up with two unsavory “allies”: the Saudis, who were ready to sink their oil money into support for Afghan mujahedeen fighters of the most extreme sort, and the Pakistani intelligence service, the ISI, which was intent on controlling events in that land, no matter the nature of the cast of characters it found available. In the fashion of Vietnam for the Americans, Afghanistan would prove to be what Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev called “the bleeding wound” for the Russians. A decade later, the Red Army would limp home in defeat and within two years a hollowed-out Soviet Union, never as strong as Washington imagined, would implode, a triumph so stunning that the American political elite initially couldn’t take it in. After almost half a century, the Cold War was over; one of the two remaining “superpowers” had left the global stage in defeat; and for the first time since Europeans set out on wooden ships to conquer distant parts of the globe, only a single great power was left standing on the planet. Given the history of those centuries past, the dreams of Bush-Cheney & Co. about how the U.S. would dominate the world as no power, not even the Romans or the British, had ever done seemed to make a certain sense. But in that triumph of 1989 lay the seeds as well of future chaos. To take down the Soviets, the CIA, in tandem with the Saudis and the Pakistanis, had armed and built up groups of extreme Islamists, who, it turned out, had no intention of going away once the Soviets were driven from Afghanistan. It won’t exactly shock you if I add that, in those decisions, in that triumphant moment, lay the genesis of the future 9/11 attacks and in some curious fashion, even perhaps the future rise of a presidential candidate, and now president-elect, so bizarre that, despite the billions of words expended on him, he remains a phenomenon beyond understanding. As our first declinist candidate for president, Donald J. Trump did at least express something new and true about the nature of our country. In the phrase that he tried to trademark in 2012 and with which he launched his presidential campaign in 2015 ― “Make America Great Again” ― he caught a deeply felt sense among millions of Americans that the empire of chaos had indeed arrived on our shores and that, like the Soviet Union a quarter-century ago, the U.S. might ever so slowly be heading into an era in which (minus him, naturally) “greatness” was a goner. Imperial Overreach and the Rise of the National Security State In the end, those seeds, first planted in Afghan and Pakistani soil in 1979, led to the attacks of September 11, 2001. That day was the very definition of chaos brought to the imperial heartland, and spurred the emergence of a new, post-Constitutional governing structure, through the expansion of the national security state to monumental proportions and a staggering version of imperial overreach. On the basis of the supposed need to keep Americans safe from terrorism (and essentially nothing else), the national security state would balloon into a dominant ― and dominantly funded ― set of institutions at the heart of American political life (without which, rest assured, FBI Director James Comey’s public interventions in an American election would have been inconceivable). In these years, that state-within-a-state became the unofficial fourth branch of government, at a moment when two of the others ― Congress and the courts, or at least the Supreme Court ― were faltering. The 9/11 attacks also unleashed the Bush administration’s stunningly ambitious, ultimately disastrous Global War on Terror, and over-the-top fantasies about establishing a military-enforced Pax Americana, first in the Middle East and then perhaps globally. They also unleashed its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S. drone assassination program across significant parts of the planet, the building of an unprecedented global surveillance state, the spread of a kind of secrecy so all-encompassing that much of government activity became unknowable to “the People,” and a kind of imperial overreach that sent literally trillions of dollars (often via warrior corporations) tumbling into the abyss. All of these were chaos-creating factors. At the same time, the basic needs of many Americans went increasingly unattended, of those at least who weren’t part of a Gilded Age 1% sucking up American wealth in an extraordinary fashion. The one-percenters then repurposed some of those trickle-up funds for the buying and selling of politicians, again in an atmosphere of remarkable secrecy. (It was often impossible to know who had given money to whom for what.) In turn, that stream of Supreme Court-approved funds changed the nature of, and perhaps the very idea of, what an election was. Meanwhile, parts of the heartland were being hollowed out, while ― even as the military continued to produce trillion-dollar boondoggle weapons systems ― the country’s inadequately funded infrastructure began to crumble in a way that once would have been inconceivable. Similarly, the non-security-state part of the government ― Congress in particular ― began to falter and wither. Meanwhile, one of the country’s two great political parties launched a scorched-earth campaign against governing representatives of the other and against the very idea of governing in a reasonably democratic fashion or getting much of anything done at all. At the same time, that party shattered into disorderly, competing factions that grew ever more extreme and produced what is likely to become a unique celebrity presidency of chaos. The United States with all its wealth and power is, of course, hardly an Afghanistan or a Libya or a Yemen or a Somalia. It still remains a genuinely great power, and one with remarkable resources to wield and fall back on. Nonetheless, the recent election offered striking evidence that the empire of chaos had indeed made the trip homeward. It’s now with us big time, all the time. Get used to it. Count on it to be an essential part of the Trump presidency. Domestically, for instance, if you thought the definition of American political dysfunction was a Congress that would essentially pass nothing, just wait until a fully Republican-controlled Congress actually begins to pass bills in 2017. Abroad, Trump’s unexpected success will only encourage the rise of right-wing nationalist movements and the further fragmention of this planet of increasing disorder. Meanwhile, the American military (promised a vast further infusion of funds by The Donald during the election campaign) will still be trying to impose its version of order in distant lands and, so many years later, you know perfectly well what that will mean. All of this should shock no one in our new post-November 8th world. Here, however, is a potentially shocking question that has to be asked: With Donald Trump’s election, has the American “experiment” run its course? Tom Engelhardt is a co-founder of the American Empire Project and the author of The United States of Fear as well as a history of the Cold War, The End of Victory Culture. He is a fellow of the Nation Institute and runs TomDispatch.com. His latest book is Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a Global Security State in a Single-Superpower World. Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Book, Nick Turse’s Next Time They’ll Come to Count the Dead, and Tom Engelhardt’s latest book, Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a Global Security State in a Single-Superpower World. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
A few biofuel stocks that are scheduled to report third-quarter results on Nov 2.
В первой части данного цикла мы сообщали, что немцам после французской кампании мая-июня 1940 года досталось огромное количество трофейной техники, из них около 600 бронеавтомобилей. Из которых примерно 190 единиц составили броневики «Панар» (Panhard) 178 (или AMD 35).