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Буркина Фасо
17 января, 10:53

Borders and Networks: The Forgotten Elements of Development

Laurent Bossard, Director, OECD Sahel and West Africa Club (SWAC) Secretariat The latest SWAC/OECD publication Cross-Border Co-operation and Policy Networks in West Africa addresses the crucial but often overlooked issue of cross-border co-operation, employing an analytical approach sparsely used in the development field and in West Africa in particular – social network analysis. These two […]

16 января, 12:09

Why Did Conservation Investors Leave $3 Billion On the Table Last Year?

This story is cross-posted on Ecosystem Marketplace. Five years ago, Prisca Mayende's four-acre farm looked just like those around her: treeless and flat, it baked in the sun, lay fallow for periods, and lived on expensive fertilizers. Today, it stands out like an oasis. Trees are everywhere - some in rows separating patches of corn and sorghum, others in clusters, and all pulling carbon out of the atmosphere, converting it to wood and infusing it into the soil. Many are "fixing" nitrogen into the soil as well, providing fertilizer for the crops that are thriving in this once-patchy plot. The temperature is noticeably cooler on her farm than on those around her; the trees provide just enough shade to protect delicate crops and hold moisture. Plump mangoes dangle from some of them; healthy bananas curl up from others; and all sprout thick leaves that she uses as fodder for the dairy cow she purchased with extra income from the increased yields. A teacher by training, she even took a patch of land out of production and built a small grammar school on it. As part of the curriculum, every pupil plants one tree and watches it grow as they progress in learning. When parents drop their children off, they often ask Mayende how she achieved so much on so little, and she directs them to an environmental NGO called VI Agroforestry, which has been teaching these farming methods - called "agroforestry" - since the early 1980s. Prisca Mayende gathers fodder on her tree-dense farm Like most NGOs, VI Agroforestry's impact is limited by the generosity of its donors, so in 2010 it started experimenting with carbon markets to see if it could expand its operations by generating carbon offsets through climate-safe agriculture, with the income mostly being divided among farmers. The experiment worked, in that it allowed VI Agroforestry to reach more farmers like Mayende, but the revenue-sharing part wasn't the hit they hoped for. "The yields are what I care for," says Mayende. "The little carbon bonus was nice, but it's not why I do this." Those little "carbon bonuses", however, add up - and caught the attention of the Livelihoods Funds, which invest money for food giants like Mars, Danone, and others. Livelihoods isn't a philanthropic endeavor: it's a bona fide impact investor that provides upfront financing to NGOs that help small farmers, and it expects to make its money back and then some by selling carbon offsets. As an impact investor, it aims to do well by doing good, so it only invests in projects that generate verifiable environmental benefits. That means its portfolio is comprised of "conservation investments", as are those of more and more of its peers, according to "State of Private Investment in Conservation 2016: A Landscape Assessment of an Emerging Market", which was published this week by Forest Trends' Ecosystem Marketplace. Want to learn more about Prisca Mayende and her involvement in the Livelihoods Funds? Then check out "Of Milk And Money: How Agroforestry Is Reshaping The Kenyan Countryside", which I posted last year as the first in a series to be unfolding throughout 2017. It's accompanied by the Bionic Planet podcast series "The CEO and the Subsistence Farmer", which you can access via iTunes, TuneIn, or wherever you access podcasts - or click below to hear the first installment on this device: Billions Invested; Billions Neglected Based on a survey of impact investors, the report shows that at least $8.2 billion in private-sector money flowed into conservation investments from 2004 through 2015. Nearly a quarter of that finance - $2.0 billion - came in 2015. The pot of money is growing, but investors also said they left $3.1 billion waiting in the wings - and that's enough to launch 30 Livelihoods Funds or help tens of millions of farmers like Mayende. Yet it's just sitting there, and not for lack of investment opportunities. All around the world, for example, environmental entrepreneurs are planting trees or saving endangered forest to generate carbon offsets - a process that requires rigorous verification and validation of the environmental benefits. They often work by promoting exactly the kinds of sustainable practices that Mayende is implementing, and they deliver results in part by making it possible for farmers to earn enough from their own land that they don't have to chop forests for wood or fodder. Last year's annual State of Forest Carbon Finance report showed that such projects now cover at least 28 million hectares - an area slightly larger than Burkina Faso - but it also showed that offsets representing 80 million tonnes of carbon dioxide went either unsold or undeveloped. That means project developers did all the hard work but decided prices were too low to bring their offsets to market - at least for now. "It all goes back to demand," says Kelley Hamrick, who authored the report. "While some investors are willing to risk high market volatility and invest in carbon offsetting, the majority won't until they see clear demand signals." What Are They Investing in? The report focuses on investments that are "intended to return principal or generate profit while also resulting in a positive impact on natural resources and ecosystems," and it explicitly adds that "conservation impacts must be the intended motivation for making the investment; they cannot be simply a by-product of an investment made solely for financial return." By that definition, forest-carbon projects are a no-brainer, while sustainable agriculture could be in a grey area. Nonetheless, of the $8.2 billion that did get invested, $6.5 billion went to food and fiber - primarily sustainable farming and forestry - with the rest going into habitat conservation and water trading programs, which are explicit "payments for ecosystem services" (forest carbon falls under habitat conservation). When asked about that undeployed $3.1 billion, respondents didn't say which projects they'd reviewed and rejected, but simply that the available projects didn't meet their criteria. So, what are those criteria? Function and Familiarity The most important criteria may be more psychological than logical: investors - like all people - tend to stick with what they know. "Private investors viewed agriculture and forestry as asset classes long before 'sustainability' entered investors' vocabularies," the report says - although later it adds that "environmental credit investments...entail greater risk for various reasons including the influence of public policy on the long-term viability of environmental markets." Project developers can certainly attest to the risk, but most aren't giving up. Indeed, they're holding the offsets they've generated because they believe prices will rise - and with good reason. To begin with, forest carbon is a pillar of the Paris Climate Agreement, which will proceed even if the United States bails out, and the US state of California has shown that demand can ratchet up quickly when a government shows it's serious about climate action. Respondents identified a 5-10% sweet spot for returns on investment, and that's more than achievable - especially if the carbon offsets are embedded in a larger agriculture project, as they usually are. Most forest-carbon projects - especially those that save endangered forests (called "REDD+") - work by helping farmers boost yields so they don't have to chop trees, but most of the sustainable farming and forestry initiatives identified in the survey work by purchasing land and managing it sustainably. The Livelihoods Funds buck that trend, because they explicitly don't buy land, but instead work with hundreds of thousands of small, independent farmers, and they're not alone. Althelia Ecosphere follows a similar model, and many REDD project developers - perhaps most of them - don't take ownership of the land, but rather work with farmers or indigenous people to manage their land more sustainably. Carbon finance, in other words, is increasingly blended with sustainable agriculture initiatives - and it could help investors address another shortfall identified in the report: namely, the inability to quantify the environmental impacts they're aiming to deliver. Layering in carbon, it turns out, means adopting rigorous and time-tested verification and validation of all environmental benefits - which Mayende says helped her boost her yields. "To get the carbon bonus, I had to keep better records," she says. "That made me a better farmer, and that meant more income, which enabled me to build all that you see her." And that, in the end, is language all investors understand. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

15 января, 17:09

Блеск и нищета российского футбола

Без финансовых проблем - только «Зенит» и «Спартак»

12 января, 19:25

Опрос: Сейчас самое худшее отношение к кадрам за всю историю России, или нет?

Самохвалов А.Н. У лебёдкиИзвестен лозунг Сталина: "Кадры решают всё". Известно как кадры ценили при Петре1 и даже при Екатерине 2.Что сейчас? Сейчас огромная сверхсмертность (это читайте Буркину Фасо ) и выкашивает конечно маргиналов и бомжей в первую очередь. Но как люди попали в категорию "конченные люди"? А многие так и попали, это специалисты (кадры) в услугах которых перестали нуждаться. Можно конечно переучиться, но вопрос на кого (программистами, которые действительно сегодня востребованы получается стать не у всех). Само опускание по социальной лестнице это уже огромный стресс для человека, но уже самый страшный стресс-это полная невостребованность и ненужность. Периодически я возвращаюсь к этой теме (она никак не даёт о себе забыть). Вот опять крестницу выперли с работы (а у неё 2 высших образования, техническое и экономическое). Я не знаю даже не то что ей делать, а даже что ей посоветовать. Помочь не могу ничем, а вроде имею какие-то связи и знакомства. В общем грустно, когда глядишь на кабинет профессионалов Трампа и отношение к специалистам в Китае (хотя там сейчас специалистов наверное больше всех в мире). Но может я что-то не так вижу, может быть у нас специалисты в почёте (и в материальном достатке)?Попков В.Е. МОЛОДОСТЬView Poll: Сейчас самое худшее отношение к кадрам за всю историю России, или нет?Дейнека А.А. Юный конструкторЖивые закрывают глаза мёртвым, а мёртвые открывают глаза живымГелий Коржев На троихГелий Коржев ЖИВОЙ ЗАСЛОН (2001-2004)

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12 января, 13:09

Afcon 2017: a group-by-group guide to the Africa Cup of Nations

The players, teams and managers to look out for as Ivory Coast defend their title in Gabon in the tournament that kicks off on SaturdayGabon Continue reading...

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29 декабря 2016, 01:26

Burkina Faso replaces army chief after series of attacks

OUAGADOUGOU (Reuters) - Burkina Faso President Roch Marc Christian Kabore replaced army chief of staff Pingrenoma Zagre on Wednesday, the government said in a statement, after a string of deadly militant attacks, including against the security forces.

23 декабря 2016, 14:00

Пора за елкой: путеводитель по новогодней зелени

Forbes Life рассмотрел несколько вариантов покупки елки, от елочного базара, до арт- и благотворительных проектов.

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23 декабря 2016, 00:04

Burkina Faso: Selected Issues

Country Report No. 16/391

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20 декабря 2016, 18:47

From south to south: The other kind of immigration

Print section Print Rubric:  Truly poor people rarely migrate to rich countries. Instead they go to other poor countries—in huge numbers Print Headline:  The beautiful south Print Fly Title:  Poor-world migration UK Only Article:  standard article Issue:  How to make sense of 2016 Fly Title:  From south to south Location:  ABIDJAN AND MUMBAI Main image:  20161224_IRP001_1.jpg IN MOST ways, it is a typical immigrant success story. Ouesseni Kaboréq was once a butcher in Burkina Faso, a poor, landlocked west African country. Encouraged by an uncle who was flourishing abroad, he left his country in search of better-paying work. He has done so well that he now employs 41 people. All but two are immigrants like him. The natives cannot bear to get their hands dirty, he says. But Mr Kaboréq did not ...

20 декабря 2016, 18:47

From south to south: The other kind of immigration

Print section Print Rubric:  Truly poor people rarely migrate to rich countries. Instead they go to other poor countries—in huge numbers Print Headline:  The beautiful south Print Fly Title:  Poor-world migration UK Only Article:  standard article Issue:  How to make sense of 2016 Fly Title:  From south to south Location:  ABIDJAN AND MUMBAI Main image:  20161224_IRP001_1.jpg IN MOST ways, it is a typical immigrant success story. Ouesseni Kaboréq was once a butcher in Burkina Faso, a poor, landlocked west African country. Encouraged by an uncle who was flourishing abroad, he left his country in search of better-paying work. He has done so well that he now employs 41 people. All but two are immigrants like him. The natives cannot bear to get their hands dirty, he says. But Mr Kaboréq did not ...

19 декабря 2016, 19:45

America's Elite Troops Partner With African Forces But Pursue U.S. Aims

Commandos Without Borders Cross-posted with TomDispatch.com Al-Qaeda doesn’t care about borders. Neither does the Islamic State or Boko Haram. Brigadier General Donald Bolduc thinks the same way.  “[T]errorists, criminals, and non-state actors aren’t bound by arbitrary borders,” the commander of Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAFRICA) told an interviewer early this fall.  “That said, everything we do is not organized around recognizing traditional borders. In fact, our whole command philosophy is about enabling cross-border solutions, implementing multi-national, collective actions and empowering African partner nations to work across borders to solve problems using a regional approach.” A SOCAFRICA planning document obtained by TomDispatch offers a window onto the scope of these “multi-national, collective actions” carried out by America’s most elite troops in Africa. The declassified but heavily redacted secret report, covering the years 2012-2017 and acquired via the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), details nearly 20 programs and activities -- from training exercises to security cooperation engagements -- utilized by SOCAFRICA across the continent. This wide array of low-profile missions, in addition to named operations and quasi-wars, attests to the growing influence and sprawling nature of U.S. Special Operations forces (SOF) in Africa. How U.S. military engagement will proceed under the Trump administration remains to be seen.  The president-elect has said or tweeted little about Africa in recent years (aside from long trading in baseless claims that the current president was born there).  Given his choice for national security adviser, Michael Flynn -- a former director of intelligence for Joint Special Operations Command who believes that the United States is in a “world war” with Islamic militants -- there is good reason to believe that Special Operations Command Africa will continue its border-busting missions across that continent.  That, in turn, means that Africa is likely to remain crucial to America’s nameless global war on terror. Publicly, the command claims that it conducts its operations to “promote regional stability and prosperity,” while Bolduc emphasizes that its missions are geared toward serving the needs of African allies.  The FOIA files make clear, however, that U.S. interests are the command’s principal and primary concern -- a policy in keeping with the America First mindset and mandate of incoming commander-in-chief Donald J. Trump -- and that support to “partner nations” is prioritized to suit American, not African, needs and policy goals. Shades of Gray Bolduc is fond of saying that his troops -- Navy SEALs and Army Green Berets, among others -- operate in the “gray zone,” or what he calls “the spectrum of conflict between war and peace.”  Another of his favored stock phrases is: “In Africa, we are not the kinetic solution” -- that is, not pulling triggers and dropping bombs.  He also regularly takes pains to say that “we are not at war in Africa -- but our African partners certainly are.” That is not entirely true.  Earlier this month, in fact, a White House report made it clear, for instance, that “the United States is currently using military force” in Somalia.  At about the same moment, the New York Times revealed an imminent Obama administration plan to deem al-Shabab “to be part of the armed conflict that Congress authorized against the perpetrators of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, according to senior American officials,” strengthening President-elect Donald Trump’s authority to carry out missions there in 2017 and beyond. As part of its long-fought shadow war against al-Shabab militants, the U.S. has carried out commando raids and drone assassinations there (with the latter markedly increasing in 2015-2016). On December 5th, President Obama issued his latest biannual “war powers” letter to Congress which noted that the military had not only “conducted strikes in defense of U.S. forces” there, but also in defense of local allied troops.  The president also acknowledged that U.S. personnel “occasionally accompany regional forces, including Somali and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces, during counterterrorism operations.” Obama’s war powers letter also mentioned American deployments in Cameroon, Djibouti, and Niger, efforts aimed at countering Joseph Kony’s murderous Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Central Africa, a long-running mission by military observers in Egypt, and a continuing deployment of forces supporting “the security of U.S. citizens and property” in rapidly deteriorating South Sudan.  The president offered only two sentences on U.S. military activities in Libya, although a long-running special ops and drone campaign there has been joined by a full-scale American air war, dubbed Operation Odyssey Lightning, against Islamic State militants, especially those in the city of Sirte.  Since August 1st, in fact, the United States has carried out nearly 500 air strikes in Libya, according to figures supplied by U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). Odyssey Lightning is, in fact, no outlier.  While the “primary named operations” involving America’s elite forces in Africa have been redacted from the declassified secret files in TomDispatch’s possession, a November 2015 briefing by Bolduc, obtained via a separate FOIA request, reveals that his command was then involved in seven such operations on the continent.  These likely included at least some of the following: Enduring Freedom-Horn of Africa, Octave Shield, and/or Juniper Garret, all aimed at East Africa; New Normal, an effort to secure U.S. embassies and assets around the continent; Juniper Micron, a U.S.-backed French and African mission to stabilize Mali (following a 2012 coup there by a U.S.-trained officer and the chaos that followed); Observant Compass, the long-running effort to decimate the Lord’s Resistance Army (which recently retired AFRICOM chief General David Rodriguez derided as expensive and strategically unimportant); and Juniper Shield, a wide-ranging effort (formerly known as Operation Enduring Freedom-Trans Sahara) aimed at Algeria, Burkina Faso, Morocco, Tunisia, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, and Senegal.  A 2015 briefing document by SOCAFRICA’s parent unit, U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM), also lists an ongoing “gray zone” conflict in Uganda. On any given day, between 1,500 and 1,700 American special operators and support personnel are deployed somewhere on the continent.  Over the course of a year they conduct missions in more than 20 countries.  According to Bolduc’s November 2015 briefing, Special Operations Command Africa carries out 78 separate “mission sets.”  These include activities that range from enhancing “partner capability and capacity” to the sharing of intelligence. Mission Creep Most of what Bolduc’s troops do involves working alongside and mentoring local allies.  SOCAFRICA’s showcase effort, for instance, is Flintlock, an annual training exercise in Northwest Africa involving elite American, European, and African forces, which provides the command with a plethora of publicity.  More than 1,700 military personnel from 30-plus nations took part in Flintlock 2016.  Next year, according to Bolduc, the exercise is expected “to grow to include SOF from more countries, [as well as] more interagency partners.”  While the information has been redacted, the SOCAFRICA strategic planning document -- produced in 2012 and scheduled to be fully declassified in 2037 -- indicates the existence of one or more other training exercises.  Bolduc recently mentioned two: Silent Warrior and Epic Guardian.  In the past, the command has also taken part in exercises like Silver Eagle 10 and Eastern Piper 12.  (U.S. Africa Command did not respond to requests for comment on these exercises or other questions related to this article.) Such exercises are, however, just a small part of the SOCAFRICA story.  Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) missions are a larger one.  Officially authorized to enable U.S. special operators to “practice skills needed to conduct a variety of missions, including foreign internal defense, unconventional warfare, and counterterrorism,” JCETs actually serve as a backdoor method of expanding U.S. military influence and contacts in Africa, since they allow for "incidental-training benefits" to "accrue to the foreign friendly forces at no cost."  As a result, JCETs play an important role in forging and sustaining military relationships across the continent.  Just how many of these missions the U.S. conducts in Africa is apparently unknown -- even to the military commands involved.  As TomDispatch reported earlier this year, according to SOCOM, the U.S. conducted 19 JCETs in 2012, 20 in 2013, and 20, again, in 2014.  AFRICOM, however, claims that there were nine JCETs in 2012, 18 in 2013, and 26 in 2014. Whatever the true number, JCETs are a crucial cog in the SOCAFRICA machine.  “During a JCET, exercise or training event, a special forces unit might train a partner force in a particular tactical skill and can quickly ascertain if the training audience has adopted the capability,” explained Brigadier General Bolduc. “Trainers can objectively measure competency, then exercise... that particular skill until it becomes a routine.”    In addition, SOCAFRICA also utilizes a confusing tangle of State Department and Pentagon programs and activities, aimed at local allies that operate under a crazy quilt of funding schemes, monikers, and acronyms.  These include deployments of Mobile Training Teams, Joint Planning Advisory Teams, Joint Military Education Teams, Civil Military Support Elements, as well as Military Information Support Teams that engage in what once was called psychological operations, or psyops -- that is, programs designed to “inform and influence foreign target audiences as appropriately authorized.” Special Operations Command Africa also utilizes an almost mind-numbing  panoply of “security cooperation programs” and other training activities including Section 1207(n) (also known as the Transitional Authorities for East Africa and Yemen, which provides equipment, training, and other aid to the militaries of Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Yemen “to conduct counter-terrorism operations against al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda affiliates, and al-Shabab” and “enhance the capacity of national military forces participating in the African Union Mission in Somalia”); the Global Security Contingency Fund (designed to enhance the “capabilities of a country’s national military forces, and other national security forces that conduct border and maritime security, internal defense, and counterterrorism operations”); the Partnership for Regional East Africa Counterterrorism (or PREACT, designed to build counterterror capacities and foster military and law enforcement efforts in East African countries, including Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda); and, among others, the Trans-Sahel Counterterrorism Partnership, the Global Peace Operations Initiative, the Special Operations to Combat Terrorism, the Combatting Terrorism Fellowship, and another known as Counter-Narcotic Terrorism.   Like Africa’s terror groups and Bolduc’s special ops troops, the almost 20 initiatives utilized by SOCAFRICA -- a sprawling mass of programs that overlie and intersect with each other -- have a border-busting quality to them.  What they don’t have is clear records of success.  A 2013 RAND Corporation analysis called such capacity-building programs “a tangled web, with holes, overlaps, and confusions.” A 2014 RAND study analyzing U.S. security cooperation (SC) found that there “was no statistically significant correlation between SC and change in countries’ fragility in Africa or the Middle East.”  A 2016 RAND report on “defense institution building” in Africa noted a “poor understanding of partner interests” by the U.S. military. “We’re supporting African military professionalization and capability-building efforts, we’re supporting development and governance via civil affairs and military information support operations teams,” Bolduc insisted publicly. “[A]ll programs must be useful to the partner nation (not the foreign agenda) and necessary to advance the partner nations' capabilities. If they don’t pass this simple test... we need to focus on programs that do meet the African partner nation’s needs.” The 2012 SOCAFRICA strategic planning document obtained by TomDispatch reveals, however, that Special Operations Command Africa’s primary aim is not fostering African development, governance, or military professionalization.  “SOCAFRICA’s foremost objective is the prevention of an attack against America or American interests,” according to the declassified secret report.  In other words, a “foreign agenda,” not the needs of African partner nations, is what’s driving the elite force’s border-busting missions. American Aims vs. African Needs Special Operations Command spokesman Ken McGraw cautioned that because SOCAFRICA and AFRICOM have both changed commanders since the 2012 document was issued, it was likely out of date.  “I recommend you contact SOCAFRICA,” he advised.  That command failed to respond to multiple requests for information or comment.  There are, however, no indications that it has actually altered its “foremost objective,” while Bolduc’s public comments suggest that the U.S. military’s engagement in the region is going strong.  “Our partners and [forward deployed U.S. personnel] recognize the arbitrary nature of borders and understand the only way to combat modern-day threats like ISIS, AQIM [al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb], Boko Haram, and myriad others is to leverage the capabilities of SOF professionals working in concert,” said Bolduc.  “Borders may be notional and don’t protect a country from the spread of violent extremism... but neither do oceans, mountains... or distance.” In reality, however, oceans and distance have kept most Americans safe from terrorist organizations like AQIM and Boko Haram.  The same cannot be said for those who live in the nations menaced by these groups.  In Africa, terrorist organizations and attacks have spiked alongside the increase in U.S. Special Operations missions there.  In 2006, the percentage of forward-stationed special operators on the continent hovered at 1% of total globally deployed SOF forces.  By 2014, that number had hit 10% -- a jump of 900% in less than a decade.  During that same span, according to information from the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism at the University of Maryland, terror incidents in Africa increased precipitously -- from just over 100 per year to nearly 2,400 annually.  During the same period, the number of transnational terrorist organizations and illicit groups operating on the continent jumped from one to, according to Bolduc’s reckoning, nearly 50. Correlation may not equal causation, but SOCAFRICA’s efforts have coincided with significantly worsening terrorist violence and the growth and spread of terror groups.  And it shouldn’t be a surprise.  While Bolduc publicly talks up the needs of African nations, his border-busting commandos operate under a distinctive America-first mandate and a mindset firmly in keeping with that of the incoming commander-in-chief.  “My foreign policy will always put the interests of the American people and American security above all else. It has to be first,” Donald Trump said earlier this year in a major foreign policy speech.  Kicking off his victory tour earlier this month, the president-elect echoed this theme.  “From now on, it's going to be America first. Okay? America first. We're going to put ourselves first,” he told a crowd in Cincinnati, Ohio. In Africa, the most elite troops soon to be under his command have, in fact, been operating this way for years.  “[W]e will prioritize and focus our operational efforts in those areas where the threat[s] to United States interests are most grave,” says the formerly secret SOCAFRICA document.  “Protecting America, Americans, and American interests is our overarching objective and must be reflected in everything we do.” Nick Turse is the managing editor of TomDispatch, a fellow at the Nation Institute, and a contributing writer for the Intercept. His book Tomorrow's Battlefield: U.S. Proxy Wars and Secret Ops in Africa recently received an American Book Award. His latest book is Next Time They’ll Come to Count the Dead: War and Survival in South Sudan. His website is NickTurse.com. Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Book, Nick Turse’s Next Time They’ll Come to Count the Dead, and Tom Engelhardt's latest book, Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a Global Security State in a Single-Superpower World. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

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19 декабря 2016, 03:12

Вклады в ПриватБанке. Однако

Зашёл внезапно на сайт Приватбанка ради интересно и тут Вклады 10%! 10% Карл вклады в долларах у крупнейшего банка Украины. Этот под какую же бл*т ставку они кредитуют бизнес? Под 40- 50% годовых минимум с учётом свопа. Это же какой бизнес обладает такой доходностью? На Украине вообще остался хоть какой-то функционирующий бизнес? Прям Буркина — Фасо какое-то. Мы тут с Вами за 20-30% годовых ж*п рвём.  Короч трэш ребята. 

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17 декабря 2016, 00:55

Ban condemns deadly attack on military post in northern Burkina Faso

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has condemned today's attack against a military post in Nassoumbou, province of Soum in the north of Burkina Faso, in which Burkinabè soldiers were killed and injured.

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16 декабря 2016, 21:11

Deadly attack targets army base in Burkina Faso

About 40 gunmen in pick-up trucks and motorbikes storm military position near Mali border, killing a dozen troops.

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16 декабря 2016, 20:35

Burkina Faso militant attack: Twelve soldiers killed

Twelve soldiers were killed during an attack by Islamist militants in Burkina Faso, the army says.

16 декабря 2016, 16:00

Спор Путина и академиков

Я не очень хотел отвечать на этот вопрос, ибо то, какой именно сор в "избе академиков" всем известно, и лишний раз разгребать эти авгиевы конюшни никому неохота.  В реальности данный вопрос содержит в себе несколько подпунктов. Во-первых, для Путина возникла всем известная "проблема руководителя", а именно: что делать с такими подчиненными, которые тебя откровенно не […]

Выбор редакции
16 декабря 2016, 15:57

12 soldiers killed in jihadist attack on Burkina Faso army

Authorities say at least 12 soldiers are dead after dozens of Islamic extremists attacked an army barracks in northern Burkina Faso.