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Formosa Plastics
26 октября 2016, 18:41

Plastics Lobby Hopes Voters Will Unban Its Bags

This story originally appeared in Capital & Main. Sign up for email alerts from Capital & Main. When the tiny, picturesque community of Bisbee, Arizona, decided to ban single-use plastic bags in 2014, leaders in the plastics industry worried Bisbee had sparked a trend. Other Arizona cities—Kingman, Flagstaff, Tempe—were considering similar restrictions; soon, the bag makers feared, the whole state would fall. So they did what corporate lobbyists do in a reliably conservative state: They persuaded legislators and the governor to declare bans like Bisbee’s illegal. Next door in deep blue California, where more than 150 local jurisdictions have already banned the bags, defending the market sector of the single-use plastic bag has proved altogether more complicated. Sixty percent of polled Californians say they support a plastic bag ban; rescinding the existing bans would be impossible. So instead the industry put its muscle into holding off a statewide ban. For a while, it succeeded. Assemblymember Julia Brownley authored a bill in 2010 that would have outlawed single-use carryout bags of any material; it failed in the Senate after the Virginia-based American Chemistry Council worked hard to defeat it. But in 2014, State Senators Alex Padilla, Kevin de León and Ricardo Lara collaborated on a less restrictive law, one that would ban most plastic bags but allow grocery stores to charge 10 cents for each paper replacement. It earned the support of the California Grocers Association, and eventually the United Food and Commercial Workers union. It allows for the continued use of thicker plastic bags that will last for 125 uses or more and directs $2 million in loans to job creation in the recycled and reusable grocery bag industry. In August of that year, the bill made it all the way to the governor’s desk. So the bag lobby pursued its last available option. Before 2014 was out, the plastics lobby had collected enough signatures to place the plastic-bag ban, Senate Bill 270, on hold and put it to a referendum on the November 8, 2016 ballot. Sacramento special-interest politics threw data and science out the window. “Our contention is that it’s a special-interest giveaway to grocers in the state,” says Jon Berrier, spokesman for the American Progressive Bag Alliance, a consortium of mostly out-of-state plastic-bag manufacturers and an offshoot of the American Chemistry Council. “It bans a 100-percent recyclable product produced in America with American labor, that according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency accounts for only 0.3 percent of the waste stream. “The idea that you’re going to reduce waste or litter banning plastic retail bags,” he says, “is simply false. Sacramento special-interest politics threw data and science out the window.” Berrier is right that plastic bags account for only a small percentage of our garbage. (The vast majority of it is paper, yard trimmings and food.) But single-use plastic retail bags are a singularly pernicious kind of trash. Easily airborne, they float away from conscientious neatnik and litterbug alike, to find their way into mountain streams, storm drain culverts, ocean gyres and, eventually, the gullets of marine animals from cetaceans to sea birds. Sea turtles mistake them for jellyfish and suffer excruciating deaths by starvation; pelicans spear through them and strangle. On a recent paddle down the Los Angeles River, I saw white plastic bags clinging to the trees; my fellow kayakers playfully dubbed them “grocery-bag flowers.” Plastic bags can be recycled at special, dedicated facilities, but you can’t just toss them into a blue bin. Sent to ordinary processing centers, they clog up sorting screens and have to be cut out with hook knives and saws. They don’t degrade, but disintegrate, turning ocean and freshwater into a diluted chemical soup. But they are also big business, earning their manufacturers $100 million to $150 million every year in California alone. The short list of generous contributors to the No on 67 campaign contains only one in-state individual or company, Durabag of Tustin, California, which contributed a mere $50,000 early on. The rest of the donors list consists of out-of-state companies whose futures depend on the persistence of their industry: Advance Polybag of Sugar Land, Texas ($946,833); Formosa Plastics of Livingston, New Jersey ($1,148,441); Hilex Plastics of Hartsville, South Carolina ($2,783,739); Superbag of Houston, Texas ($1,238,188). It has already been money well spent, and not just because a victory in the nation’s bellwether state could set a trend, while a loss could spread bag bans like a virus. As the San Francisco Chronicle reported, simply by delaying Padilla’s bill for 18 months, the industry has bagged $15 million in profit. Steve Maviglio, a spokesperson for the Yes on 67 campaign that supports the ban, says that the plastics lobby’s concern over the predicted job losses rings hollow, considering that almost no single-use plastic bags are made in California. The thicker plastic bags allowed in Padilla’s law will, on the other hand, add to the state’s manufacturing economy, adding several hundred jobs. The plastic industry’s claim of 2,000 jobs lost “is incredible and nonsense,” Maviglio says. Our contention is that it’s a special-interest giveaway to grocers in the state. The plastics lobby could, however, win this one—not least because the wording of the referendum on the ballot is confusing. “It’s not intuitive that we need to vote ‘Yes’ for the law to go into effect,” says Diz Swift, a member of the League of Women Voters in Berkeley. “People might say, ‘Oh, no, I don’t want the law vetoed, I want it to go into effect,’ and mistakenly vote ‘No.’” (To be clear, a “No” vote on Proposition 67 will overturn the bag ban; a “Yes” will uphold it.) Even more confusing is that the plastic bag alliance has put another proposition on the ballot – Proposition 65 – that would direct the 10-cent bag fee toward a special wildlife conservation fund. Berrier says the measure came out of the bag alliance’s research. “Only 25 percent of the people we asked had any idea where that 10 cent bag fee would go,” he says. “A lot of people thought it was going to the environment, or to local government.” When they find out it’s going back to the grocers, he says, “They’re outraged. They want it to go to an environmental purpose.” To Swift, however, putting Proposition 65 on the ballot above Proposition 67 is a blatant attempt to skew the vote. Only the most sophisticated and well-informed voters will understand what it all means. “The money goes into a fund that sounds really good,” she says. “It’s for drought mitigation, clean drinking water, regional parks, litter removal and habitat restoration. But it requires creating a bureaucracy that doesn’t really help.” Maviglio is more blunt. “We call 65 the Screw the Grocers Initiative,” he says flatly. “They’re trying to send a message to grocers in other states who would hop aboard a statewide ban.” Single-use bags cost grocers anywhere from six to 16 cents per bag, “and that doesn’t include delivery and stocking,” Maviglio claims. “There’s no windfall there.” If that’s not persuasive enough, he asks voters to consider the source. Prohibitions against plastic bags have been carried by the most grassroots of efforts—community organizations, moms, local environmental groups. The Arizona ban on plastic-bag bans, he says, comes straight out of the American Legislative Exchange Council, a think tank that assists corporations in state lawmaking, with an emphasis on preempting local control. “The plastics industry has no regard for the environment,” Maviglio says. “It would be hypocritical of them to put something on the ballot to help wildlife.” To be fair, Berrier doesn’t argue that helping wildlife is the point: The goal of Prop 65, he says, is only to highlight where the bag-fee money goes after grocers collect it. “The language is very plain and simple,” he insists, “and it will have its intended effect.” -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

04 октября 2016, 14:53

PPG Industries Closes Sale of European Fiber Glass Business

PPG Industries (PPG) has completed the sale of its European fiber glass operations to Japanese glass maker, Nippon Electric Glass Co. Ltd.

23 сентября 2016, 21:00

PPG Industries to Sell Interest in PFG Fiber Glass JVs

PPG Industries Inc. (PPG) said that it has inked a deal to sell its 50% ownership interests in its two PFG Fiber Glass joint ventures (PFG) to Nan Ya Plastics Corp.

Выбор редакции
12 августа 2016, 05:30

Vietnam's Solution To Fish Death Scandal Leaves Many Locals Unsatisfied

After 80 tons of dead fish washed up on central coast beaches in April, citizens protested that the government moved too slowly in finding the cause. After weeks of sporadic demonstrations, the Natural Resources and Environment Ministry named Taiwanese-invested Formosa Ha Tinh steel plant the culprit for releasing toxic chemicals into the ocean. That was supposed to close the case of the initially mysterious pileup of millions of fish from April 4 to 15. But now it’s August and a lot of things still smell fishy if you ask around in Vietnam.

02 июля 2016, 23:11

Mass Fish Deaths in Vietnam Highlight the Country's Press Freedom Problem

MELBOURNE, Australia -- The stink from Vietnam's fish kill scandal -- which left some 70 tons of dead fish scattered across the beaches of four of the country's provinces and fishermen out of work -- is symptomatic of something greater than worries about food security and the environment: access to information and the ability to distribute it. On June 30, almost three months since the mass fish deaths began, Vietnam's newspapers all began printing the same story: Formosa Ha Tinh Steel Corp., a subsidiary of Taiwan's Formosa Plastics Group, blamed by many for the incident, had accepted responsibility for the industrial pollution that had caused the environmental fiasco and would pay $500 million in compensation. The government of Vietnam, which had been silent for much of this, also noted the company was responsible due to a toxic spill. Earlier in the month there was progress towards a verdict but no confirmation, as Tuoi Tre newspaper wrote: On June 2, the government held a press meeting to announce that the cause behind the deaths had been identified, but it was being challenged by experts in order to ensure it was based on scientific, legal, and objective grounds before a final conclusion was confirmed. While the public waited for answers and the tourism industry suffered, the press was also curtailed. As the New York Times mentioned in its reporting of the incident: "Officials said that it had been necessary to restrict news coverage of the disaster while the investigation was underway." This wasn't entirely unusual for the country whose journalists often face obstacles while doing their jobs, but it did highlight a situation that doesn't appear to be getting better anytime soon. Vietnam has consistently been ranked poorly for press freedom, and the fish death debacle shows recent changes in the Vietnamese press: environmental journalism is now more tightly watched as the public becomes more aware of problems -- and more likely to organize. In the wake of this scandal, the freedom to report thoroughly on environmental issues might be abating, just as it gains traction in the public commons in Vietnam. In fact the reaction Thursday to the scandal served as a coup, of sorts, and a rarity in governmental response to similar offenses in the past. Going forward, the level of follow up reporting will determine more about how much press freedom will be allowed in these large-scale environmental cases with their mix of government oversight, foreign money and public anger at pollution. But for right now this new government line, and fine of half a billion in compensation, is encouraging in comparison to the wrist-slap fines of the past. Protesters in Hanoi demand cleaner water after mass fish deaths. (Nguyen Huy Kham/ Reuters) Up to now environmental and food safety issues have been allowable investigative stalwarts of the press for a while, likely because they're much safer topics than tales of actual, detailed official corruption or government mismanagement. But once somewhat controversial issues get enough public attention, coverage often lessens or is at least more carefully managed. Such was the case with our fish kill story, which made international headlines as well as people took to the streets in protest for the lack of accountability and information for this disaster. But this is nothing new. In fact, those critical of the government can be locked up under three different sections of the criminal code: 88, 79 and 258. Vietnam's press is state-owned, but each news outlet is owned by different government organizations, rather than by the Communist Party directly. Instead, directives are issued and there is also a good measure of self-censorship; editors and journalists tend to know when a story or topic is incendiary. This 2008 paper, written as social media was just taking off, covers how Vietnam's press operates quite well. When Vietnam's fish kill protests began over two months ago, people were angry at the lack of government action, the cavalier response from a spokesman for Taiwanese company Formosa assumed responsible for the pollution and worried for both food security and the livelihoods of those affected. By early May, protesters in Ho Chi Minh City numbered in the many hundreds or more, and were not simply activists but ordinary people, too. What, for journalists, was largely apolitical investigative work now has a stronger political background thanks to a growing number of young activists and a more general unease over both pollution and food security in the population. Before the news of the chemical spill and the fine broke this week, Formosa built a 10.6 billion dollar steel mill in Ha Tinh, a small, poor province south of Hanoi where a large amount of the fish washed up. The building of the plant was a coup for the provincial government that had lobbied hard. Back then it was said that the piles of fish washed ashore were apparently the result of a one-time accidental dump of pollution in the sea via an underwater pipeline several miles offshore, according to initial press reports. Formosa spokesman's initial statement at a press conference stating that Vietnam would have to "choose" between a steel plant and catching fish and seafood set off a social media storm of people "choosing" fish. Throughout the ordeal, the government blocked much reporting on the issue, citing its "sensitive nature" and so people turned to other avenues to express their frustration and share information. As Vietnam Right Now wrote on June 11, "With demonstrations banned, and the media firmly under state control, frustration at the government's handling of the mass fish deaths in central provinces has increasingly been restricted to social media." Protester displays picture of the mass of dead fish on the shores of Vietnam. (Sam Yeh/AFP/Getty) In May, about a month after the fish stink began, I wrote on U.S. President Barack Obama's first visit to Vietnam for The WorldPost and Australia's Lowy Institute, a Sydney-based foreign policy think tank. The American leader received a rapturous welcome and the public rancor over the fish saga evaporated at a time when things could have been uncomfortable for the government -- and gave the country a boost in positive press. President Obama's dinnertime trip to eat bun cha, a pork dish with noodles, was the headline of the day. "They've taken a break from choosing fish, but even a president can't be a distraction forever," I wrote in Lowy's Interpreter blog, Sure enough, on June 5, protests and arrests began again. Pham Doan Trang, a longtime journalist-turned-activist, chronicled the events in a group email to journalists and academics. Trang was one of the activists slated to meet Obama during his Vietnam trip, but was prevented from doing so after the car she was covertly traveling in from Ho Chi Minh City to Hanoi was stopped by police. She wrote that post-Obama protests were more sparsely attended, to the point that in HCMC police outnumbered protesters. She also noted that many protesters were dragged away, beaten and interrogated by police and security forces, who used methods she likened to old Soviet techniques. This social media aspect of journalism can have the effect of distortion: untruths can be propagated in a blogosphere unrestricted by editorial standards. Even so, the reporting feels more honest than the official line printed in the papers. Environmental sagas have made for compelling reporting in Vietnam over the past years, but as discourse moves into the civil society and social media realm, and interest in environmental issues increases, the government attitude towards them is changing and what, for journalists, was largely apolitical investigative work now has a stronger political background thanks to a growing number of young activists and a more general unease over both pollution and food security in the population. Luong Nguyen An Dien, a Vietnamese journalist who recently returned after a stint at Columbia University's school of journalism, told me, "Now social media has boomed in Vietnam, and the authorities are increasingly wary of public sentiment there. To them, any environmental issue could be politicized. The fish kill is just an example." Despite the crackdown from the government, reporters still usually report on sensitive issues until the subject gets too hot via social media. This social media aspect of journalism can have the effect of distortion: untruths can be propagated in a blogosphere unrestricted by editorial standards. Even so, the reporting feels more honest than the official line printed in the papers, which often go through screening and censorship by Ministry of Information and Communications. A boy looks at a dead fish on a beach in Quang Trach district in the central coastal province of Quang Binh. (STR/AFP/Getty) Online environmental organization started to gain traction in Vietnam in 2009, when disparate groups came together to criticize the government's plans for bauxite mines in the ecologically delicate Central Highlands region. That they were Chinese-run only made people angrier. Citizens organized a campaign via Facebook that took the government by surprise and the site was intermittently blocked (though never officially "banned") for some time after. The same year, The Committee to Protect Journalists named Vietnam in the top "10 Worst Countries to Be a Blogger," following the detention of a blogger for her coverage of territorial issues between China and Vietnam. In the past few years young activists are doing more than talking but actually criticizing the government. When Hanoi's city government announced a tremendous cull of the city's beautiful old trees -- all made from valuable wood -- young people organized online, and protested. Some protests quickly turned violent. Dien, the Vietnamese journalist, remembers the last Taiwanese environmental scandal, when in 2008, MSG producer Vedan left a 10 kilometer section of the Thi Vai River in Dong Nai province ecologically "dead." There was anger -- and the story was heavily reported by Vietnamese press -- but apart from those affected, there were few protests and not much online organizing. As food safety becomes a strong preoccupation, the environmental movement is going to pick up steam. And the freedom to report on it might be waning -- for now at least. "At the time, the purpose of covering the Vedan case was to sneak through a bigger story -- why the Taiwanese MSG maker could get away with such blatant violations for such a long time.The final outcome fell short of that expectation: Instead it was all about how Vedan finally agreed to compensate Vietnamese farmers out of fear they would face a massive boycott," he said. Dien has reported on environmental issues in the country as well. Writing for Vietnam Express he questioned why Monsanto, the company responsible for Agent Orange, is receiving such a welcome back into Vietnam after the chemical deforested so much land and led to birth defects in subsequent generations of the Vietnamese population. This topic has not yet reached the proportions of the fish kill scandal, partly as there are no direct effects: no tons of dead fish. Whether people begin to organize around less immediate threats remains to be seen, but as food safety in general becomes a strong preoccupation, the environmental movement is going to pick up steam. And the freedom to report on it might be waning -- for now at least. Also on WorldPost: -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

02 июля 2016, 23:11

Mass Fish Deaths in Vietnam Highlight the Country's Press Freedom Problem

MELBOURNE, Australia -- The stink from Vietnam's fish kill scandal -- which left some 70 tons of dead fish scattered across the beaches of four of the country's provinces and fishermen out of work -- is symptomatic of something greater than worries about food security and the environment: access to information and the ability to distribute it. On June 30, almost three months since the mass fish deaths began, Vietnam's newspapers all began printing the same story: Formosa Ha Tinh Steel Corp., a subsidiary of Taiwan's Formosa Plastics Group, blamed by many for the incident, had accepted responsibility for the industrial pollution that had caused the environmental fiasco and would pay $500 million in compensation. The government of Vietnam, which had been silent for much of this, also noted the company was responsible due to a toxic spill. Earlier in the month there was progress towards a verdict but no confirmation, as Tuoi Tre newspaper wrote: On June 2, the government held a press meeting to announce that the cause behind the deaths had been identified, but it was being challenged by experts in order to ensure it was based on scientific, legal, and objective grounds before a final conclusion was confirmed. While the public waited for answers and the tourism industry suffered, the press was also curtailed. As the New York Times mentioned in its reporting of the incident: "Officials said that it had been necessary to restrict news coverage of the disaster while the investigation was underway." This wasn't entirely unusual for the country whose journalists often face obstacles while doing their jobs, but it did highlight a situation that doesn't appear to be getting better anytime soon. Vietnam has consistently been ranked poorly for press freedom, and the fish death debacle shows recent changes in the Vietnamese press: environmental journalism is now more tightly watched as the public becomes more aware of problems -- and more likely to organize. In the wake of this scandal, the freedom to report thoroughly on environmental issues might be abating, just as it gains traction in the public commons in Vietnam. In fact the reaction Thursday to the scandal served as a coup, of sorts, and a rarity in governmental response to similar offenses in the past. Going forward, the level of follow up reporting will determine more about how much press freedom will be allowed in these large-scale environmental cases with their mix of government oversight, foreign money and public anger at pollution. But for right now this new government line, and fine of half a billion in compensation, is encouraging in comparison to the wrist-slap fines of the past. Protesters in Hanoi demand cleaner water after mass fish deaths. (Nguyen Huy Kham/ Reuters) Up to now environmental and food safety issues have been allowable investigative stalwarts of the press for a while, likely because they're much safer topics than tales of actual, detailed official corruption or government mismanagement. But once somewhat controversial issues get enough public attention, coverage often lessens or is at least more carefully managed. Such was the case with our fish kill story, which made international headlines as well as people took to the streets in protest for the lack of accountability and information for this disaster. But this is nothing new. In fact, those critical of the government can be locked up under three different sections of the criminal code: 88, 79 and 258. Vietnam's press is state-owned, but each news outlet is owned by different government organizations, rather than by the Communist Party directly. Instead, directives are issued and there is also a good measure of self-censorship; editors and journalists tend to know when a story or topic is incendiary. This 2008 paper, written as social media was just taking off, covers how Vietnam's press operates quite well. When Vietnam's fish kill protests began over two months ago, people were angry at the lack of government action, the cavalier response from a spokesman for Taiwanese company Formosa assumed responsible for the pollution and worried for both food security and the livelihoods of those affected. By early May, protesters in Ho Chi Minh City numbered in the many hundreds or more, and were not simply activists but ordinary people, too. What, for journalists, was largely apolitical investigative work now has a stronger political background thanks to a growing number of young activists and a more general unease over both pollution and food security in the population. Before the news of the chemical spill and the fine broke this week, Formosa built a 10.6 billion dollar steel mill in Ha Tinh, a small, poor province south of Hanoi where a large amount of the fish washed up. The building of the plant was a coup for the provincial government that had lobbied hard. Back then it was said that the piles of fish washed ashore were apparently the result of a one-time accidental dump of pollution in the sea via an underwater pipeline several miles offshore, according to initial press reports. Formosa spokesman's initial statement at a press conference stating that Vietnam would have to "choose" between a steel plant and catching fish and seafood set off a social media storm of people "choosing" fish. Throughout the ordeal, the government blocked much reporting on the issue, citing its "sensitive nature" and so people turned to other avenues to express their frustration and share information. As Vietnam Right Now wrote on June 11, "With demonstrations banned, and the media firmly under state control, frustration at the government's handling of the mass fish deaths in central provinces has increasingly been restricted to social media." Protester displays picture of the mass of dead fish on the shores of Vietnam. (Sam Yeh/AFP/Getty) In May, about a month after the fish stink began, I wrote on U.S. President Barack Obama's first visit to Vietnam for The WorldPost and Australia's Lowy Institute, a Sydney-based foreign policy think tank. The American leader received a rapturous welcome and the public rancor over the fish saga evaporated at a time when things could have been uncomfortable for the government -- and gave the country a boost in positive press. President Obama's dinnertime trip to eat bun cha, a pork dish with noodles, was the headline of the day. "They've taken a break from choosing fish, but even a president can't be a distraction forever," I wrote in Lowy's Interpreter blog, Sure enough, on June 5, protests and arrests began again. Pham Doan Trang, a longtime journalist-turned-activist, chronicled the events in a group email to journalists and academics. Trang was one of the activists slated to meet Obama during his Vietnam trip, but was prevented from doing so after the car she was covertly traveling in from Ho Chi Minh City to Hanoi was stopped by police. She wrote that post-Obama protests were more sparsely attended, to the point that in HCMC police outnumbered protesters. She also noted that many protesters were dragged away, beaten and interrogated by police and security forces, who used methods she likened to old Soviet techniques. This social media aspect of journalism can have the effect of distortion: untruths can be propagated in a blogosphere unrestricted by editorial standards. Even so, the reporting feels more honest than the official line printed in the papers. Environmental sagas have made for compelling reporting in Vietnam over the past years, but as discourse moves into the civil society and social media realm, and interest in environmental issues increases, the government attitude towards them is changing and what, for journalists, was largely apolitical investigative work now has a stronger political background thanks to a growing number of young activists and a more general unease over both pollution and food security in the population. Luong Nguyen An Dien, a Vietnamese journalist who recently returned after a stint at Columbia University's school of journalism, told me, "Now social media has boomed in Vietnam, and the authorities are increasingly wary of public sentiment there. To them, any environmental issue could be politicized. The fish kill is just an example." Despite the crackdown from the government, reporters still usually report on sensitive issues until the subject gets too hot via social media. This social media aspect of journalism can have the effect of distortion: untruths can be propagated in a blogosphere unrestricted by editorial standards. Even so, the reporting feels more honest than the official line printed in the papers, which often go through screening and censorship by Ministry of Information and Communications. A boy looks at a dead fish on a beach in Quang Trach district in the central coastal province of Quang Binh. (STR/AFP/Getty) Online environmental organization started to gain traction in Vietnam in 2009, when disparate groups came together to criticize the government's plans for bauxite mines in the ecologically delicate Central Highlands region. That they were Chinese-run only made people angrier. Citizens organized a campaign via Facebook that took the government by surprise and the site was intermittently blocked (though never officially "banned") for some time after. The same year, The Committee to Protect Journalists named Vietnam in the top "10 Worst Countries to Be a Blogger," following the detention of a blogger for her coverage of territorial issues between China and Vietnam. In the past few years young activists are doing more than talking but actually criticizing the government. When Hanoi's city government announced a tremendous cull of the city's beautiful old trees -- all made from valuable wood -- young people organized online, and protested. Some protests quickly turned violent. Dien, the Vietnamese journalist, remembers the last Taiwanese environmental scandal, when in 2008, MSG producer Vedan left a 10 kilometer section of the Thi Vai River in Dong Nai province ecologically "dead." There was anger -- and the story was heavily reported by Vietnamese press -- but apart from those affected, there were few protests and not much online organizing. As food safety becomes a strong preoccupation, the environmental movement is going to pick up steam. And the freedom to report on it might be waning -- for now at least. "At the time, the purpose of covering the Vedan case was to sneak through a bigger story -- why the Taiwanese MSG maker could get away with such blatant violations for such a long time.The final outcome fell short of that expectation: Instead it was all about how Vedan finally agreed to compensate Vietnamese farmers out of fear they would face a massive boycott," he said. Dien has reported on environmental issues in the country as well. Writing for Vietnam Express he questioned why Monsanto, the company responsible for Agent Orange, is receiving such a welcome back into Vietnam after the chemical deforested so much land and led to birth defects in subsequent generations of the Vietnamese population. This topic has not yet reached the proportions of the fish kill scandal, partly as there are no direct effects: no tons of dead fish. Whether people begin to organize around less immediate threats remains to be seen, but as food safety in general becomes a strong preoccupation, the environmental movement is going to pick up steam. And the freedom to report on it might be waning -- for now at least. Also on WorldPost: -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

Выбор редакции
30 июня 2016, 14:44

Taiwanese Firm Takes Blame for Vietnam's Mass Fish Deaths

Vietnam’s government said a steel plant belonging to Taiwan’s Formosa Plastics Group was responsible for discharging pollutants that killed fish along a 130-mile stretch of coast in one of the country’s worst-ever environmental disasters.

25 мая 2016, 22:10

Obama in Vietnam: Long on Weapons, Short on Human Rights

Gary Sands Global Governance, Vietnam Vietnamese hoping he'd bring change were disappointed. United States President Barack Obama waved goodbye to Vietnam today, following meetings in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City with Vietnam’s new leadership, young entrepreneurs, and civil rights activists. Despite waiting until now to visit Vietnam for the first time, he leaves behind an enduring legacy of goodwill, as thousands of Vietnamese flocked to line the streets throughout his three-day visit in hope of catching a glimpse of the widely-popular U.S. president. On Monday, Obama also hoped to leave behind any of the remnants of animosity between the two former enemies of the Vietnam War—by announcing a complete lifting of an embargo on lethal weapons sales to Vietnam. The Vietnamese have been clamoring for advanced weaponry from the United States since the normalization of relations in 1995, and Washington partially eased the embargo toward the end of 2014 to allow for the sale of some defensive maritime equipment to Vietnam. Last year, Vietnam was the eighth-largest purchaser of arms in the world and over the last five years arms imports are up 699 percent. Hanoi currently buys a significant amount of military equipment from Russia, including Kilo-class submarines and corvettes, although they seek to buy more advanced equipment from other nations, such as the United States, in keeping with a diversified “no military alliance” foreign policy. U.S. defense contractors are salivating over sales, most likely the P-3 surveillance planes, helicopters and missiles Hanoi needs to beef up its naval forces and coastal defenses. The full lifting of the embargo fits neatly into Obama's strategic "pivot" toward the Asia-Pacific region, and may help to boost Hanoi’s defenses against an encroaching China. Yet given Vietnam’s past record on human rights and recent domestic turmoil, at a joint press conference held on Monday, Obama felt it necessary to include a proviso, “As with all our defense partners, sales will need to still meet strict requirements, including those related to human rights.” Thousands of protesters have gathered in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City on three successive Sundays this month to vent their anger at the government over their response to the death of one hundred tons of fish in the central provinces in April. The protesters widely believe a $10.6 billion coastal steel plant in Ha Tinh province, owned by a unit of Taiwan's Formosa Plastics, is to blame for discharging untreated waste into the ocean. Read full article

20 марта 2015, 15:33

HTC Chairwoman Cher Wang Named CEO

TAIPEI (Reuters) - HTC Corp on Friday named Cher Wang as chief executive, giving its founder and chairwoman a bigger role in leading a potential turnaround of the Taiwanese smartphone maker. The return of Wang, a scion of one of Taiwan's most prominent families, comes as HTC's phones have often struggled to translate positive early reviews into strong sales, and the former contract manufacturer has found it tough to build a strong consumer brand in a competitive market. HTC said Wang has been increasingly involved in running various aspects of the business. She replaces Peter Chou, who will lead product development as head of the HTC Future Development Lab, an executive role focusing on identifying future growth opportunities. Chou is known to be more focused on research and development, so the change is positive in that respect, said Jimmy Chen, a technology analyst with Masterlink Securities Investment Advisory in Taipei. But Chou also built a reputation as an abrasive manager whose demanding style hit morale at the company, according to executives previously interviewed by Reuters. It remains unclear if HTC can overcome its challenges, Masterlink's Chen said. "If you don't bring in fresh blood then there's probably less of a chance to improve the operations." HTC recently named a new marketing chief, filling a post that had been vacant for four months. Revenue at HTC, which once had a 10 percent share of the global smartphone market, has largely flatlined after gradually sliding over the past two years. Net income has fared worse, with the company reporting either losses or a slim profit at best since hitting a peak in the third quarter of 2011. Like other, larger mobile phone makers such as Apple Inc and Samsung Electronics, HTC is trying to diversify into other 'connected' devices to find new growth outside an increasingly commoditized space. "We are seeing rapid changes in the industry, with the smartphone as our personal hub connecting us to a growing world of smart devices," Wang said in a company statement announcing the management changes. But despite forging a partnership with Google Inc to develop a smartwatch based on its Android operating system over a year ago, HTC has yet to deliver one to the market. Wang's father, the late Wang Yung-Ching, was chairman of Taiwanese conglomerate Formosa Plastics Group. Cher Wang was considered a pioneer in Taiwan's male-dominated technology industry, founding HTC in 1997 and establishing it as a leader in a then fast-growing mobile segment. (Additional reporting by Michael Gold; Editing by Ian Geoghegan)

23 августа 2013, 14:08

Голубая мечта США

Голубая мечта США   В Со­еди­нен­ных Шта­тах ведут дис­кус­сии о це­ле­со­об­раз­но­сти экс­пор­та при­род­но­го газа. Ранее глав­ны­ми при­о­ри­те­та­ми сво­е­го вто­ро­го пре­зи­дент­ско­го срока Барак Обама сде­лал во­прос ра­бо­чих мест для сред­не­го клас­са и при­род­ный газ. Оба эти при­о­ри­те­та могут по­тер­петь неуда­чу, если ми­ни­стер­ство энер­ге­ти­ки США про­дол­жит удо­вле­тво­рять за­яв­ки пред­при­я­тий га­зо­вой про­мыш­лен­но­сти на экс­порт аме­ри­кан­ско­го газа. Сей­час в Кон­грес­се США уже ак­ти­ви­зи­ро­ва­лись уси­лия, на­прав­лен­ные на лик­ви­да­цию пол­но­мо­чий Ми­ни­стер­ства энер­ге­ти­ки. Таким об­ра­зом, про­цесс удо­вле­тво­ре­ния за­явок может дви­гать­ся даже быст­рее, а пред­ста­ви­те­ли неф­тя­ной и га­зо­вой про­мыш­лен­но­сти бро­си­ли все свои лоб­бист­ские воз­мож­но­сти на то, чтобы уско­рить про­цесс по­лу­че­ния раз­ре­ше­ний. При­род­ный газ, чи­стое уг­ле­во­до­род­ное топ­ли­во, уже неко­то­рое время яв­ля­ет­ся ос­нов­ным сы­рьем в сфере отоп­ле­ния и про­из­вод­ства элек­тро­энер­гии. Кроме того, оно яв­ля­ет­ся необ­хо­ди­мым в про­из­вод­стве ши­ро­ко­го спек­тра хи­ми­че­ских про­дук­тов, в том числе раз­лич­но­го рода пласт­масс, син­те­ти­че­ских во­ло­кон и вы­со­ко­тех­но­ло­гич­ных ком­по­зит­ных ма­те­ри­а­лов. Когда по­став­ки газа ока­за­лись под угро­зой в конце 1990, хи­ми­че­ская про­мыш­лен­ность — и боль­шин­ство дру­гих за­ви­си­мых от энер­ге­ти­ки се­рьез­ных про­из­во­ди­те­лей аме­ри­кан­ской про­мыш­лен­но­сти — по­нес­ли тя­же­лые по­те­ри. Од­на­ко, в по­след­ние годы ре­во­лю­ция в об­ла­сти до­бы­чи слан­це­во­го газа пе­ре­вер­ну­ла эко­но­ми­ку га­зо­вой про­мыш­лен­но­сти с ног на го­ло­ву. Сотни ма­лень­ких пред­при­ни­ма­тель­ских ком­па­ний бро­си­лись в про­из­вод­ство, опе­ре­жая про­пуск­ную спо­соб­ность тру­бо­про­во­дов или воз­мож­но­сти кли­ен­тов по пе­ре­обо­ру­до­ва­нию схем своих топ­лив­ных опе­ра­ций. И вот через несколь­ко лет от­расль уже на­чи­на­ет стра­дать от объ­е­мов газа, ко­то­рый невоз­мож­но ре­а­ли­зо­вать. Мно­гие сква­жи­ны были за­кон­сер­ви­ро­ва­ны — их можно легко по­втор­но за­пу­стить — а про­из­во­ди­те­ли пе­ре­клю­чи­ли свое вни­ма­ние на слан­це­вые «жид­кие ис­ко­па­е­мые», ко­то­рые вос­про­из­во­дят боль­шин­ство лег­ких про­из­вод­ных нефти, в том числе бен­зи­на, на ко­то­ром можно за­ра­бо­тать го­раз­до боль­ше. Спо­то­вые цены на газ уста­нав­ли­ва­ют­ся на Нью-йорк­ском рынке фью­черсов по ре­зуль­та­там тор­гов на бирже в Лу­и­зи­ане под на­зва­ни­ем Henry Hub. При самых боль­ших про­бле­мах с пе­ре­на­сы­ще­ни­ем рынка цены на Henry Hub упали ниже $ 2 за ты­ся­чу ку­би­че­ских футов (Mcf)- го­раз­до ниже се­бе­сто­и­мо­сти про­из­вод­ства. Од­на­ко, те­перь, когда стро­и­тель­ство новых тру­бо­про­во­дов умень­ши­ло про­бле­мы с по­став­ка­ми, а по­тре­би­тель­ский спрос рас­тет, цены в те­че­ние неко­то­ро­го вре­ме­ни за­вис­ли на уровне около $ 4 за Mcf. В целом этот сек­тор эко­но­ми­ки яв­ля­ет­ся при­быль­ным при ценах на газ в диа­па­зоне от $ 4 до $ 6, и боль­шин­ство экс­пер­тов ожи­да­ет, что цены в США в обо­зри­мом бу­ду­щем ста­би­ли­зи­ру­ют­ся в рай­оне $ 5 за Mcf. В смыс­ле энер­ге­ти­че­ско­го срав­не­ния, газ по цене $ 5 эк­ви­ва­лен­тен цене $ 25 — $ 30 за бар­рель нефти — таким об­ра­зом, Со­еди­нен­ные Штаты вдруг стали чрез­вы­чай­но при­вле­ка­тель­ны­ми для энер­го­ем­ких от­рас­лей про­мыш­лен­но­сти. Уг­ле­во­до­ро­ды со­став­ля­ют при­мер­но по­ло­ви­ну сто­и­мо­сти про­из­вод­ства ор­га­ни­че­ских хи­ми­че­ских ве­ществ, по­это­му BusinessWeek недав­но опи­сал, что про­ис­хо­дит в этой об­ла­сти за­го­лов­ком «Бла­го­да­ря де­ше­во­му газу, все спе­шат в США». Тор­го­во-про­мыш­лен­ная груп­па пред­ста­ви­те­лей этой от­рас­ли на­счи­та­ла 97 новых про­ек­тов хи­ми­че­ско­го про­из­вод­ства, ко­то­рые на­хо­дят­ся в ста­дии ре­а­ли­за­ции, около $ 72 млрд новых ин­ве­сти­ций в от­расль, почти по­ло­ви­на ко­то­рых по­сту­пи­ла из-за гра­ни­цы. И они при­хо­дят ото­всю­ду: от ве­ли­ко­го гол­ланд­ско­го кон­гло­ме­ра­та LyondellBasell, Formosa Plastics из Тай­ва­ня, Ев­ро­Хим из Рос­сии. В ста­ле­ли­тей­ной про­мыш­лен­но­сти Nucor пе­ре­хо­дит к новым энер­го­ем­ким вы­со­ко­эф­фек­тив­ным ме­то­дам про­из­вод­ства стали, ко­то­рые ранее были нерен­та­бель­ны­ми. Кон­ку­рент Nucor, ком­па­ния Voestalpine из Ав­стрии стро­ит в Аме­ри­ке клон за­во­да Nucor; по­ло­ви­на его про­дук­ции будет экс­пор­ти­ро­вать­ся об­рат­но в Ев­ро­пу. Ком­па­ния Nucor, бла­го­да­ря при­род­но­му газу, пе­ре­ш­ла к новым эф­фек­тив­ным ме­то­дам про­из­вод­ства стали. Фото: blog.al.com Все это — мил­ли­ард­ные дол­го­сроч­ные ин­ве­сти­ции, по­это­му се­рьез­ное вли­я­ние на со­зда­ние ра­бо­чих мест не будет ощу­ти­мым при­мер­но до 2015 года. Од­на­ко эти ин­ве­сти­ции будут иметь дол­го­сроч­ные по­след­ствия. С уче­том цепи по­ста­вок, мно­жи­те­ля по­тре­би­тель­ских рас­хо­дов и дру­гих эф­фек­тов до­пол­ни­тель­ных до­хо­дов, рост ра­бо­чих мест может ис­чис­лять­ся мил­ли­о­на­ми. На этом фоне сей­час про­ис­хо­дит про­ти­во­сто­я­ние лоб­би­стов в Ва­шинг­тоне. За ру­бе­жом цены на при­род­ный газ на­мно­го выше, чем в США, по­то­му что они почти все­гда при­вя­за­ны к удель­ной энер­ге­ти­че­ской сто­и­мо­сти сырой нефти. Цены на энер­го­но­си­те­ли в про­мыш­лен­ных рай­о­нах Во­сточ­ной Азии яв­ля­ют­ся вчет­ве­ро выше, чем в Со­еди­нен­ных Шта­тах. Га­зо­вая про­мыш­лен­ность по­стра­да­ла фи­нан­со­во во время пе­ре­на­сы­ще­ния, и про­из­во­ди­те­ли бро­са­ют за­вист­ли­вые взгля­ды на огром­ные при­бы­ли, ко­то­рые ждут их за ру­бе­жом. Экс­пор­ти­ро­ван­ный газ дол­жен быть сжи­жен­ным при крио­ген­ных тем­пе­ра­ту­рах для до­сти­же­ния энер­ге­ти­че­ской плот­но­сти, ко­то­рая оправ­ды­ва­ет сто­и­мость его пе­ре­ра­бот­ки и до­став­ки. Это тре­бу­ет стро­и­тель­ства за­во­дов сжи­же­ния, ко­то­рые долж­ны быть утвер­жде­ны Ми­ни­стер­ством энер­ге­ти­ки США. Три таких про­ек­та уже были утвер­жде­ны, еще 25 на­хо­дят­ся в оче­ре­ди, почти по­ло­ви­на из них на до­ста­точ­но позд­них ста­ди­ях утвер­жде­ния. Од­на­ко, экс­порт­ным же­ла­ни­ям тех, ко­то­рые до­бы­ва­ют газ, про­ти­во­сто­ит аль­янс круп­ных про­из­вод­ствен­ных ком­па­ний во главе с ком­па­ни­я­ми Nucor и Dow Chemical, в их числе также Huntsman Chemical, Celanese, Alcoa и Аме­ри­кан­ская об­ще­ствен­ная ас­со­ци­а­ция газа. Они пре­ду­пре­жда­ют, что круп­но­мас­штаб­ный экс­порт по ми­ро­вым ценам неиз­беж­но тол­ка­ет аме­ри­кан­ские цены до меж­ду­на­род­но­го уров­ня и при­ве­дет к за­держ­ке воз­рож­де­ния аме­ри­кан­ской про­мыш­лен­но­сти. Обе сто­ро­ны в дис­кус­сии под­го­то­ви­ли ком­плекс ис­сле­до­ва­ний в под­держ­ку своей по­зи­ции. Круп­ные неф­тя­ные ком­па­нии уско­ря­ют экс­порт­ное дви­же­ние, по­сколь­ку боль­шин­ство из них при­об­ре­ли себе пе­ре­до­вые по­зи­ции в аме­ри­кан­ской га­зо­вой от­рас­ли. Они утвер­жда­ют, что силы сво­бод­но­го рынка за­щи­тят от по­вы­ше­ния цен, по­сколь­ку рас­ту­щие ми­ро­вые по­став­ки газа и быст­рое воз­ве­де­ние за­во­дов по сжи­же­нию со­зда­дут рынок по­ку­па­те­лей гло­баль­но­го газа. Их оп­по­нен­ты спра­вед­ли­во за­яв­ля­ют, что экс­порт­ное лобби слиш­ком пе­ре­оце­ни­ва­ет объ­е­мы бу­ду­щих по­ста­вок и пе­ре­ра­ба­ты­ва­ю­щих мощ­но­стей. Де­ба­ты, ко­то­рые по­рож­да­ют апо­ка­лип­ти­че­ские про­гно­зы, быст­ро пре­вра­ща­ют­ся в гром­кие ссоры. Если нель­зя ве­рить дан­ным, тогда пусть пра­вят прин­ци­пы. По­это­му пред­ста­ви­те­ли неф­тя­ной про­мыш­лен­но­сти об­ра­ща­ют­ся к од­но­му из усто­яв­ших­ся аме­ри­кан­ских прин­ци­пов: пусть ре­ша­ет сво­бод­ный рынок. Круп­ные неф­тя­ные ком­па­нии на­ста­и­ва­ют, что пра­ви­тель­ства долж­ны отой­ти в сто­ро­ну и поз­во­лить рынку вы­ра­бо­тать соб­ствен­ные над­ле­жа­щие ме­ха­низ­мы — это то, что рынки де­ла­ют лучше. Браво. Это толь­ко под­твер­жда­ет ли­це­ме­рие тех, ко­то­рые под­дер­жи­ва­ют ар­гу­мен­ты в за­щи­ту экс­пор­та. Ми­ро­вые нефть и газ не про­да­ют­ся на сво­бод­ном рынке. Ми­ро­вые цены на нефть тща­тель­но кон­тро­ли­ру­ют­ся Ор­га­ни­за­ци­ей стран-экс­пор­те­ров нефти (ОПЕК). Круп­ней­шие в мире про­из­во­ди­те­ли газа — Рос­сия и Катар — на самом деле обе эти стра­ны про­из­во­дят газ зна­чи­тель­но де­шев­ле, чем аме­ри­кан­ская слан­це­вая про­мыш­лен­ность — ре­ши­тель­но дер­жат цены на газ в при­вяз­ке к ценам на нефть. Это со­зда­ет им по­сто­ян­ный слив до­хо­дов. В недав­нем ис­сле­до­ва­нии лон­дон­ско­го Цен­тра гло­баль­ных энер­го­по­ста­вок сде­ла­ны по­дроб­ные оцен­ки фак­ти­че­ской сто­и­мо­сти про­из­вод­ства нефти в мире. В клас­си­че­ских усло­ви­ях сво­бод­но­го рынка, при пре­дель­ных за­тра­тах на це­но­об­ра­зо­ва­ние 90% нефти могли бы кон­ку­ри­ро­вать с ценой аме­ри­кан­ско­го при­род­но­го газа. По­че­му же тогда нефть в три или че­ты­ре раза до­ро­же? Если бы на самом деле дей­ство­вал сво­бод­ный рынок на нефть, Са­у­дов­ская Ара­вия, Катар и все дру­гие неф­тя­ные цар­ства стали бы непла­те­же­спо­соб­ны­ми — имен­но так про­изо­шло, когда была на­ру­ше­на их це­но­вая дис­ци­пли­на в се­ре­дине 1980-х. В конце кон­цов, двор­цы и вы­пла­ты тер­ро­ри­стам стоят много денег. Дис­ци­пли­ну в неф­тя­ном кар­те­ле со­блю­да­ют уже много лет. Имен­но по­это­му на нефть в те­че­ние мно­гих лет дер­жат­ся такие вы­со­кие цены, ко­то­рые толь­ко мир может опла­тить, чтобы не сполз­ти в ре­цес­сию. Ко­неч­но, неф­тя­ные ком­па­нии по­лу­ча­ют от этого свою долю при­бы­ли. Неф­тя­ная про­мыш­лен­ность, неслы­хан­но раз­бо­га­тев­шая за один из самых успеш­ных в ис­то­рии пе­ри­о­дов фик­си­ро­ван­ных цен, те­перь де­ла­ет вид, что при­вет­ству­ет раз­ви­тие рынка гло­баль­ных по­ку­па­те­лей при­род­но­го газа. Од­на­ко, если все-та­ки ко­гда-ни­будь по­явит­ся свет прак­ти­че­ски неогра­ни­чен­ных по­ста­вок и мощ­но­стей по сжи­же­нию газа, неф­тя­ной кар­тель рух­нет, по­то­му что при­род­ный газ может за­ме­нить нефть в про­из­вод­стве ши­ро­ко­го спек­тра про­дук­ции, име­ю­щей неф­тя­ное про­ис­хож­де­ние. Цены на нефть упа­дут до уров­ня пре­дель­ных из­дер­жек, и пу­стын­ные цар­ства, как и в 1980-х годах, снова будут усы­па­ны ржа­вы­ми ли­му­зи­на­ми Mercedes. Неуже­ли круп­ней­ший про­из­во­ди­тель газа в США ExxonMobil хочет, чтобы мы по­ве­ри­ли, что ком­па­ния пла­ни­ру­ет себе такое бу­ду­щее. Есть несколь­ко клю­чей, ко­то­рые ука­зы­ва­ют на ре­аль­ные на­ме­ре­ния неф­тя­ных ги­ган­тов. Один из них пред­ло­жи­ла ком­па­ния Exxon в своем фи­нан­со­вом об­зо­ре дел ком­па­нии за вто­рой квар­тал. Речь шла о том, что ком­па­ния ра­бо­та­ет в ре­жи­ме гло­баль­ной ин­ве­сти­ци­он­ной «ли­хо­рад­ки», тогда их спро­си­ли (в раз­го­во­ре от­но­си­тель­но ин­ве­сти­ций в южной части Ти­хо­го оке­а­на), когда же, на­ко­нец, ак­ци­о­не­ры уви­дят свои при­бы­ли. Ука­зы­вая на про­ек­ты, ко­то­рые стар­ту­ют в сле­ду­ю­щем году, пред­ста­ви­тель ком­па­нии от­ме­тил, что они при­вя­за­ны к про­из­вод­ству «нефти или газа», — по­это­му при­бы­ли будут очень вы­со­ки­ми. Или учти­те, как круп­ные неф­тя­ные ком­па­нии по­зи­ци­о­ни­ру­ют себя на рынке сжи­жен­но­го газа. Один из про­ек­тов, ко­то­рый на­хо­дит­ся на утвер­жде­нии ми­ни­стер­ства DOE — это парт­нер­ское со­гла­ше­ние, что на 70/30% раз­де­ле­но между Ка­та­ром и Exxon. Несо­мнен­но, Exxon будет по­став­лять до­бы­тый газ по се­бе­сто­и­мо­сти, а затем Exxon и Катар будут его про­да­вать — на уровне, при­вя­зан­ном к ценам на нефть. Около 25% утвер­жден­ных про­ект­ных мощ­но­стей сжи­же­ния газа уже за­кон­трак­то­ва­ны ком­па­ни­ей ВР, ко­то­рая будет вести свой биз­нес таким же об­ра­зом. К сча­стью, мы не долж­ны по­ла­гать­ся толь­ко на про­гно­зы. Сей­час про­ис­хо­дит ре­аль­ный жиз­нен­ный опыт в Ав­стра­лии. Они экс­пор­ти­ру­ют при­род­ный газ в те­че­ние неко­то­ро­го вре­ме­ни в неболь­ших ко­ли­че­ствах. Ряд круп­ных про­ек­тов нач­нет­ся толь­ко в сле­ду­ю­щем году, а мест­ные цены на газ уже вы­рос­ли втрое — хотя по­став­ки яв­ля­ют­ся до­ста­точ­ны­ми, и в се­бе­сто­и­мо­сти про­дук­ции не было боль­ших из­ме­не­ний. Оче­вид­но, что по­став­щи­ки «пред­по­чи­та­ют про­да­вать сжи­жен­ный газ Япо­нии и Южной Корее, ко­то­рые все­гда го­то­вы пла­тить на­мно­го боль­ше.» Один из ос­нов­ных про­из­во­ди­те­лей ав­стра­лий­ских удоб­ре­ний и ам­ми­а­ка, ко­то­рый пла­ни­ро­вал стро­и­тель­ство но­во­го мил­ли­ард­но­го за­во­да в Ав­стра­лии, от­ме­нил свои планы и пе­ре­ез­жа­ет в Лу­и­зи­а­ну. Глав­ный ис­пол­ни­тель­ный ди­рек­тор ком­па­нии ска­зал в одном из ин­тер­вью, что он уве­рен, что Со­еди­нен­ные Штаты смо­гут осто­рож­но огра­ни­чить свой экс­порт газа. Оста­ет­ся на это толь­ко на­де­ять­ся.  

16 августа 2013, 12:34

Тайвань/Австралия/Китай: Formosa Plastics Group инвестирует $1,15 млрд в совместный проект Fortescue

Тайваньская компания Formosa Plastics Group заключила соглашение по инвестированию $1,15 млрд в рамках сделки по приобретению около трети акций нового проекта по добыче железной руды у своих партнеров Fortescue Metals Group и Baoshan Iron & Steel. При этом по условиям соглашения, Formosa внесет предоплату компании The Pilbara Infrastructure, филиалу Fortescue, в размере $500 млн, а также заплатит $123 млн за 31%-ную долю в проекте. Стоит отметить, что 88%-ная доля проекта принадлежит Fortescue, а 12%-ная доля - Baosteel.

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30 мая 2013, 02:39

Taiwan's Missing $15 Billion Fortune?

Y.C. Wang passed away in 2008 at age 91 as a business icon with few rivals in Taiwan. The famously frugal Wang built the Formosa Plastics Group into one of Asia's largest manufacturing outfits. He made the first FORBES Billionaires list in 1987 and, with his family, was worth an estimated $6.8 billion in the year he died.

28 ноября 2012, 11:00

Гонконг: компания Next Media продаст тайваньское подразделение четырем инвесторам за $601 млн

Гонконгская медиа-компания Next Media согласилась продать тайваньское подразделение News Media за NT$17,5 млрд ($601 млн). Сообщается, что в роли покупателей выступят сразу четыре инвестора: президент Want Want Chinatimes, глава Lung Yen Life Service, а также руководители Formosa Plastics Group и Chinatrust Charity Foundation.