The National Interest, США. Российская подлодка-невидимка, с которой не хочет воевать ни одна страна в мире (особенно Америка)
Лодки проекта 877 оказались весьма успешными как в техническом, так и в экспортном плане. Субмарина, которая появилась у СССР и его союзников едва ли не случайно, стала легендой в глазах НАТО. За 35 лет было построено 53 лодки этого проекта, благодаря чему в трудный период после окончания холодной войны российские судостроители получали жизненно важные для них заказы, позволившие сохранить предприятия. Поскольку наряду с российскими операциями против «Исламского государства» (запрещенная в России организация — прим. пер.) нарастает напряженность в районе Южно-Китайского моря, способная вылиться в стычки противоборствующих флотов, мы можем увидеть лодки 877-го проекта в действии и в азиатских водах.
Winger Amanaki Lotoahea scored the only try of the game as Japan secured the 2017 Asia Rugby Championship with a 16-0 victory in Hong Kong on Saturday after…
The Prime Minister’s Residence Tokyo, Japan DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER ASO: (As interpreted.) I’m delighted to welcome to Vice President Pence to Japan in April when some cherry blossoms are still remaining. Perhaps it reminded you of the big celebration of the Cherry Blossom Festival, which was held in Washington last month. So I hope you can still have some good impression about the cherry blossom. Vice President Pence in his governor days in the state of Indiana visited Japan many times over and attracted many Japanese businesses to Indiana. He had really always worked very hard to strength Japan-U.S. relationship. Very soon after my visit to the United States where I had a very useful meeting with our dear, longstanding friend of Japan in February, I am very proud to say today that the Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue was kicked off, opening up a new page for our bilateral relations. I feel very proud about it. Security and economy are two wheels supporting Japan-U.S. alliance for the stability of the Asian Pacific region, economic prosperity is indispensable. At the dialogue today, from the perspective of further deepening win-win economic relations between Japan and the United States, Vice President Pence and I were able to have a good discussion. Going forward in the dialogue we concurred to discuss three pillars, namely common strategy on trade and investment rule and issues; cooperation in economic and structural policy area; sectoral cooperation. Those three pillars will be discussed. As for the common strategy for trade and investment rules and issues, at the Japan-U.S. summit meeting held a while ago, two leaders confirmed that they are fully committed to strengthening economic relationship bilaterally, as well as in the region based on the free and fair trade rules. And based on this common recognition, Japan and U.S. relationship will further be strengthened. And under our bilateral leadership we will build high-level trade and investment standards and spread that to the Asian Pacific region, that is free and fair trade rules. To rectify unfair trading practices in the region, Japan and the United States agree to further our mutual cooperation. Being mindful of WTO’s dispute settlement procedures, Japan will push for Japan-U.S. authorities to work ever more closely, including the minister of foreign affairs dispute settlement section, as well as general counsel office, which was newly formed within METI. On the cooperation on economic and structural policy area, Japan and the U.S. will actively use three-pronged approach of fiscal monetary and structural policy agreed at G7. And we’ll discuss the ways to lead a balanced and strong growth. Views will be exchanged on international economic and financial developments, and we’ll work closely. On sectoral cooperation, infrastructure such as high-speed rail and energy various themes where Japan-U.S. could cooperate will be taken up. And Japan-U.S. economic relationship will be deepened, a multi-faceted front along with these three pillars, Japan-U.S. economic relations will leap forward significantly. And Japan and U.S. together will lead strongly economic growth of the Asian Pacific region, as well as the rest of the world. Also Vice President Pence and I agreed to hold the second economic dialogue meeting by the end of this year at a mutually convenient time. To further deepen Japan-U.S. win-win economic relations and to build a new history of our bilateral relations going forward, Vice President Pence and I will continue to have constructive dialogue. As far as looking at the Japan-U.S. relationship, we started with a friction, but for the very first time, no longer it’s a friction. But it’s based on the cooperation now. This is a very important juncture where we are opening a new page. Thank you so much. Vice President Pence, please. VICE PRESIDENT PENCE: Konnichiwa and hello. To Deputy Prime Minister Aso, thank you. Thank you for your great hospitality and your friendship and the kindness that you've shown us in the effort that begins today. I thank you for your tireless work to strengthen the bond between your nation and mine. It is an honor to be back in Japan. On my very first visit to the Asian Pacific as Vice President of the United States, I had to come to Japan. I bring greetings from the President of the United States of America, President Donald Trump. And earlier today on the President’s behalf, I had the honor to meet with Prime Minister Abe to reaffirm the abiding friendship and the enduring alliance between Japan and the United States. The United States-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of peace, prosperity, and freedom in the Asia Pacific. And under President Trump, America is committed to strengthening our alliance and deepening our friendship for the benefit of our people and for the benefit of the world. Already our bond is growing stronger. Prime Minister Abe was one of the very first world leaders who President Trump hosted at the White House. They continued their meeting at the Southern White House, and I can attest personally that they have forged a good, personal relationship which is already benefitting both of our nations. Their relationship truly demonstrates the extraordinary respect that President Trump has for our critically important ally Japan. Today as we have for more than half a century, the United States and Japan stand united in defense of democracy and the rule of law, not only in this region, but all across the world. Tomorrow I will speak from the deck of the USS Ronald Reagan at Yokosuka Naval Base, a tangible sign of our unity with Japan and the United States’ unyielding commitment to peace and security in the Asia Pacific. Under President Trump, the United States will continue to work with Japan and with all our allies in the region, including South Korea to confront the most ominous threat posing this region of the world, the regime in North Korea. And let me be clear, our commitment is unwavering and our resolve could not be stronger. As President Trump told Prime Minister Abe at the Southern White House so I say on his behalf today to all the people of Japan, in these challenging times, we are with you 100 percent. In the face of provocations across the Sea of Japan, the people of this country should know that we stand with you in the defense of your security and prosperity now and always. Now the United States will continue to work with Japan, our allies across the region, and China to bring economic and diplomatic pressure to bear until North Korea abandons its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. But all options are on the table. Nevertheless, President Trump and I have great confidence that together with Japan and our allies in the region, we will protect the peace and security of this part of the world and achieve our shared goal of a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. Now security is the foundation of our prosperity. But promoting prosperity is actually the main reason that I had the privilege of meeting today with your deputy prime minister. At the direction of President Trump and Prime Minister Abe, today Deputy Prime Minister Aso and I have the great privilege to formally launch the U.S.-Japan Economic Dialogue. This dialogue presents the United States and Japan with an opportunity to deepen our bilateral economic ties and to foster jobs, prosperity, and growth on both sides of the Atlantic [sic]. We're building on a strong foundation. But as the Prime Minister said, our economies have been intertwined for generations, and this is a new day and a new chapter in relations between the United States and Japan. Every day, though, our nations already exchange goods and services that improve people’s lives and help businesses on both sides of the Pacific succeed. Japan is the United States’ fourth largest goods trading partner and our fourth largest goods export market. And Japan is one of America’s leading investors. Japanese foreign direct investment in the United States now totals more than $400 billion, the second-most of any nation. I saw that firsthand back in my old job when I was governor of Indiana, how trade and investment between our countries can be beneficial to us all. In 2013 and again in 2015, I led a group of Indiana businesses and community leaders here to Japan to foster closer economic ties, create jobs, and spur opportunity and growth. Today the U.S.-Japan Economic Dialogue seeks the very same objectives for both of our countries in full. It signifies President Trump’s commitment to strengthening our economic relationship with Japan using a bilateral approach. Today’s meeting with Deputy Prime Minister Aso was an opportunity for us to broadly discuss how we view the dialogue structure and goals. The Prime Minister and I agreed that the dialogue will focus on three key policy pillars, as he just discussed. The first is a “common strategy on trade and investment rules and issues.” Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States seeks stronger and more balanced bilateral trade relationships with every country, including Japan. Our goal is simple: We seek trade that is free and we seek trade that is fair. This requires breaking down barriers, leveling the playing field so that American companies and exporters can enjoy high levels of market access. The second pillar involves economic and structural policies with a specific focus on fiscal and monetary issues. President Trump believes that both the United States and Japan can enact pro-growth and fiscally sustainable monetary and budgetary policies, a key to both of our long-term economic success. The final pillar is what we call sectoral cooperation. The President and I are confident that we can find new ways to expand our economic ties with Japan in different sectors and different industries. American and Japanese businesses have much to offer each other. By working together, we can ensure that our two nations’ economic leadership grows even stronger in the years ahead to the benefit of all of our people. This is an important day for the partnership between the United States and Japan, and I’m deeply humbled to be a part of it. The U.S.-Japan Economic Dialogue will provide us with a new forum to address the economic issues that are crucial to our long-term success. The relevant U.S. agencies -- the Department of Commerce, the Department of Treasury, and the U.S. Trade Representative’s Office will lead discussions for each of these three pillars, focusing on concrete economic results in the near term and reporting back to my office. The Deputy Prime Minister and I look forward to receiving input on the progress and accomplishment from these agencies over the coming months, and we have agreed to meet again by the end of the year to discuss the progress in each area. President Trump and I are confident that working with Prime Minister Abe and Deputy Prime Minister Aso, we will open a new chapter of opportunity and agreement for both our people. The President is working tirelessly to create forward momentum to deepen our bilateral economic partnership with Japan. And today’s announcement is a reflection of that. President Trump and I are grateful that Prime Minister Abe and Deputy Prime Minister Aso share our goal of a mutually beneficial economic relationship, and we look forward to working with them through the U.S.-Japan Economic Dialogue to achieve our vision of an equal partnership that creates jobs and prosperity and growth in the United States and in Japan on an equal basis. We have before us a historic opportunity, and today I say with confidence based on our first discussions we will seize this opportunity. We will take this moment to strengthen the ties of commerce and friendship that exist between our people. And I believe we will usher in a new era of prosperity for ourselves and for future generations. There is a closeness between our people that is best described with a Japanese word, and it does not have a corollary in the English language. But I learned it a while ago. As governor of Indiana, I had the opportunity to understand and appreciate the more than 250 Japanese companies that had decided to make Indiana home. The word is kizuna, and it is a reflection of a close relationship -- a relationship of understanding and of mutual respect. And I can't help but feel today that we're renewing that relationship on that foundation as we initiate this important U.S.-Japan Economic Dialogue. So thank you again, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, for hosting me here today. I look forward to this work with great anticipation. Q (As interpreted.) I have both questions to Mr. Aso and Vice President Pence. Trump administration declared they would withdraw from TPP. And within Japan great attention is drawn to what is going to be the U.S. trade policy going forward. Mr. Lighthizer, USTR nominee, said that in the agricultural area trading and negotiation Japan will be the first to target. So what will be the trade negotiation going forward between Japan and U.S.? What is the outlook? Are you looking for concluding Japan-U.S. FTA in the end? DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER ASO: Thank you, now can I answer your question first? Well, at the Economic Dialogue this time as the common strategy on trade and investment rules and issues, free and fair rule-based trade and investment is an indispensable value and action principle for realizing the growth and prosperity not only for Japan and the United States but for the rest of the global economy, as well. And on this course, once again Vice President Pence and I were able to confirm this. And based on that, having a good understanding about the situations underway in the Asian Pacific, it’s important that Japan-U.S. should lead the rulemaking process in the region. I think it’s very important, and we've been discussing that concretely -- not only to strengthen trade and investment flow bilaterally, but also Japan-U.S. can play pivotal role in spreading high-level, fair rules over Asia and the Pacific region. We like to strengthen economic aspect of Japan-U.S. alliance, and we've been discussing that. And looking at the Japan-U.S. economic relationship, it used to be described as being an economic fiction. We started with the word fiction. And fiction used to be the symbol of our bilateral relationship, but no longer. We are now in the era of cooperation between our two countries. It’s not a matter of which sides say what to the other side. From the big picture and strategic point of view, we would like to seek the best shape and forum of bilateral framework and define its significance and have a good constructive discussion. And I think we were able to mark a first step toward that. Thank you. VICE PRESIDENT PENCE: Well, thank you for your comments, Mr. Deputy Prime Minister. And in response to the question let me say with great respect to those who worked on the Trans-Pacific Partnership in the past, the TPP is a thing of the past for the United States of America. The Trump administration has made a decision and taken steps to formally withdraw from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and that will be our policy going forward. But today I think gives evidence to the fact that the United States of America is determined to reach out to our partners here in the Asian Pacific and around the world to at least begin to explore the possibility of expanded economic opportunities, including trade, on a bilateral basis. President Trump truly does believe that it’s in the interests of the United States of America to negotiate trade agreements on a bilateral basis. That creates a framework within which countries can better assess whether the deal itself is -- what we call a win-win arrangement. But today I think what the Deputy Prime Minister has said so eloquently is that today we're beginning a process of an economic dialogue, the end of which may result in bilateral trade negotiations in the future. But we're beginning that conversation today, beginning to identify areas that we can enhance and strengthen the economic interaction between our two nations. And at some point in the future, there may be a decision made between our nations to take what we have learned in this dialogue and commence formal negotiations for a free-trade agreement. But I’ll leave that to the future, but tell you that these discussions are very much a reflection of the President’s view that negotiating at arms’ length on a bilateral basis with nations is the best path forward for the United States, the best path forward for the nations with whom we enter into such agreements, and I think in the days ahead you’ll continue to see the United States work on a bilateral basis with countries around the world to expand jobs and opportunity for our people and the prosperity of the world at large. Q Thank you very much. Vice President Pence, you've said that the United States will increase diplomatic and economic pressure on North Korea. Today we heard Prime Minister Abe say that while he agrees with that, and we shouldn’t have dialogue for dialogue’s sake, Japan also places paramount importance on the need to seek a diplomatic effort to achieve a peaceful resolution to the crisis. My question is: What exactly must North Korea do? What are the conditions for beginning that dialogue? And what form should that dialogue take? And for Deputy Prime Minister Aso, President Trump during his campaign often called on Japan to share more of the burden for common defense and pay more for U.S. security presence here in Japan. What specifically is Japan prepared to do to respond to President Trump’s call? (Speaks Japanese.) VICE PRESIDENT PENCE: Thank you, Josh. Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula has been the longstanding policy of the United States of America, of South Korea, of Japan, of China, and it’s been the longstanding policy of nations across the world. For more than a generation, we've seen the very failure of dialogue writ large. First we remember the agreed framework of the 1990s, then we remember the six-party talks. And with good-faith efforts by nations around the world again and again, North Korea met those efforts and resolution with broken promises and more provocations. That's why we've said the era of strategic patience is over. And President Trump has made it very clear: The policy of the United States of America will be to reach out to our allies in the region here in Japan where I just had a productive conversation with Prime Minister Abe on this topic. Yesterday, in South Korea, where I met with officials in the National Assembly and acting President Hwang. President Trump recently met with President Xi, and the President of China reaffirmed China’s commitment to a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. It is our belief that by bringing together the family of nations with diplomatic and economic pressure, we have a chance -- we have a chance -- to achieve our objective of a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. Now all options are on the table, and there they will remain. But President Trump and I and our administration believes the most productive pathway forward is dialogue among the family of nations that can isolate and pressure North Korea into abandoning permanently and dismantling its nuclear weapons program and its ballistic missile program. As Prime Minister Abe said today in our brief conversation, dialogue for the sake of dialogue is valueless. It is necessary for us to exercise pressure, and the United States of America believes the time has come for the international community to use both diplomatic and economic pressure to bring North Korea to a place that it has avoided successfully now for more than a generation. And we will not rest and we will not relent until we achieve the objective of a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER ASO: Washington Post, my English hearing is still good enough. But if I may say in Japanese. (As interpreted.) Well, economic dialogue, TPP -- whether the TPP can be made as a foundation for a dialogue going forward, is that what you said? Sorry. Then my English hearing is absolutely wrong. Would you mind repeating the question again? Q Minister Aso, President Trump during his campaign often called on Japan to share more of the burden for common defense and pay more money for U.S. security presence here in Japan. What is Japan willing to do to respond to President Trump’s calls for a better deal for the United States in the U.S.-Japan security relationship? DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER ASO: I think I got a picture. Response in Japanese is okay, right? (As interpreted.) Now, responding to your question, let’s look at Japanese defense. Just the other day -- Mr. James Mattis, Defense Secretary, came to Japan, at which occasion I had an opportunity to talk with him. At least look at Okinawa’s host nation’s support -- host nation’s support came up as a topic. And he said that Japan is behaving like a textbook case -- 75 percent is paid to the Okinawa host nation; ROK -- 40 percent; 30 percent Germany; and 20 percent Italy. That is a burden share. And I think whole picture was understood by General Mattis. And also just lately when the Abe Cabinet was formed, look at the defense expenditure -- how it is being allocated. The navy is the crucial area where more budget allocation has been done, followed by air and the land. And I think this is the most appropriate allocation of the defense budget. So at least -- ever since inclusive by General Mattis and other military personnel of the United States with regard to the Japanese defense or discontent, at least no message has been given to us from the United States as far as I know. So we will continue to make mutual effort and try to share the information as much as possible going forward, and particularly look at the East China Sea and Korean Peninsula and Sea of Japan. Certain fictions might arise. So information exchange is particularly important -- intelligence sharing and the information sharing has to continue in appropriate manner most of all because of the situation we are in. END
Craig Mark, Kyoritsu Women's University Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe managed to be the first foreign leader to visit then president-elect Donald Trump last November. He was already embarking on his activist personal diplomacy to counter the bellicose rhetoric Trump occasionally aimed at Japan during his election campaign, accusing the country of unfair trade practices and currency manipulation, and threatening tariffs against imports. Trump even implied an end to the US-Japan alliance, stating that Japan, along with other US allies, should develop its own nuclear weapons. But Abe's first official meeting with President Trump last week - the second world leader after British Prime Minister Theresa May - has already achieved Japan's most fundamental diplomatic goal: ensuring the continuity its security alliance with America. The trip follows a successful preliminary visit to Japan the previous week by the US Secretary of Defense James Mattis, and a similarly positive phone call between Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida and US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. Mattis praised the country's financial contribution to the hosting of US bases in Japan (around 75%, with most bases in Okinawa) as a "model of cost-sharing". And he issued a statement that the US would continue to defend Japan's claims over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea (claimed as the Daioyus by China), under the US-Japan Security Treaty. Maintaining the status quo Reassured by his firm endorsement of the value of Japan's contribution to the expense of the alliance, the first stage of Abe's trip to the US produced exactly what was hoped for. In a joint press conference following talks after Abe's arrival in Washington DC, Trump said: We are committed to the security of Japan and all areas under its administrative control and to further strengthening our crucial alliance. The bond between our two nations and the friendship between our two peoples runs very, very deep. This administration is committed to bringing those ties even closer. A joint statement released afterwards confirmed the US remains committed to defending Japan's claims over the Senkaku Islands under Article 5 of the US-Japan Security Treaty, including use of conventional and nuclear military capabilities, if necessary. The controversial relocation of the main US military air base on Okinawa will also continue. While maintaining rights to international freedom of flight and navigation in the East China Sea, Abe and Trump also hoped any actions that would escalate tensions in the South China Sea could be avoided. But, in the first such encounter under the Trump administration, the US Navy has already reported an "unsafe interaction" between one of its reconnaissance aircraft and a Chinese aircraft during a patrol over the South China Sea. And this is despite Trump having followed up his greeting letter to Xi Jinping, where he expressed hope they can work productively together, with his first phone call to the Chinese leader. During the call, he reiterated the USA's long-held adherence to the "One China" policy after all. The problem of trade Before and during the visit, ignoring criticism from opposition parties in Japan, Abe remained uncritical of Trump's controversial - and possibly unconstitutional - immigration ban. Abe is hardly in any position to criticise it, given Japan's own paltry record of accepting refugees. Despite a record number of over 10,000 applications, Japan only accepted 28 refugees in 2016. North Korea's first missile launch test of the year, held in the middle of Abe's US visit, also gave the two leaders an immediate opportunity to display the ongoing strength of the alliance. In a joint news conference, Abe condemned the test as "absolutely intolerable", while Trump declared "the United States of America stands behind Japan, its great ally, 100%." While the defence relationship may have been secured, trade remains the main area of contention. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which Japan strongly supported is now likely to be doomed, due to Trump's condemnation of multilateral trade pacts. Abe hopes Trump's hostile campaign rhetoric against Japan over trade can also be mollified. Appealing to Trump's populist economic nationalism, Abe brought along a plan called the US-Japan Growth and Employment Initiative. Projected to be worth around US$450 billion, it pledges potential investment by Japanese corporations in the US - in infrastructure, energy, and robots. The package, which promises the creation of more than 700,000 jobs in America over ten years, could be incorporated into a potential bilateral trade deal with Japan. At their Washington meeting, Abe and Trump agreed to commence talks on a bilateral trade agreement, in place of the TPP. A new US-Japan economic dialogue group is to be established toward that end, to be led by US Vice President Mike Pence and Japanese Deputy Prime Minister Taro Aso, who also held their first separate meeting in Washington. As with the TPP though, concluding a bilateral trade treaty is likely to be long, complex, fraught process, particularly over agriculture. Work and play After the formal Washington meetings, Abe flew to Florida with Trump on Air Force One, accompanied by first ladies Melania Trump and Akie Abe, to the president's extravagantly luxurious Mar-a-Largo resort, to play golf for the weekend. The White House stated the cost of Abe's visit to the resort, including golfing fees, would be paid for by Trump as a personal gift. This is a further sign of the apparently warm personal ties that Abe has managed to cultivate; Trump has already accepted an invitation to visit Japan later this year. If Abe returns with US trade relations relatively intact, as well as the military alliance, he will have taken advantage of the erratic and turbulent first weeks of the Trump administration to secure favourable strategic and economic relations. His government is likely to be supported by the Trump administration, as it was by president Barack Obama's, to continue increasing defence spending, and pursuing further constitutional change. In return, Abe is likely to encourage the US to challenge China's recent domination of the South China Sea, and compete with the expansion of Chinese influence into the Indian Ocean region, through its planned massive "One Belt, One Road" land and sea transport infrastructure project. Abe's US visit could, in fact, eventually turn out to have been an important step in reviving his long-held ambition for a "security diamond" between Japan, the US, India and Australia, which he proposed during his first term as prime minister in 2006-2007. These four states may now be more willing to revive this idea for a strategic alliance, but if it does proceed, this could threaten a Cold War-style hegemonic confrontation in the Asia-Pacific region. And it could have potentially catastrophic consequences if armed conflict breaks out over territorial disputes. Abe is one of the most energetic practitioners of diplomacy among modern Japanese prime ministers. By flattering Trump's ego, he has proved adept at handling Trump's inexperience in foreign policy. He has managed to successfully challenge one of Trump's strongest held attitudes, publicly expressed as long ago as 1987, that the US is being exploited by its allies in providing for their military protection. Abe has demonstrated to other world leaders how to approach President Donald Trump: pay the price to strike a deal that panders to corporate interests and geostrategic nationalism of both sides. This first official US visit has thus potentially become Abe's most far-reaching diplomatic achievement so far. That is, if the notoriously temperamental, inconsistent and contradictory Trump can be counted on to stick to his deals. Craig Mark, Professor, Kyoritsu Women's University This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
East Room 1:08 P.M. EST PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. Prime Minister Abe, on behalf of the American people, I welcome you to the very famous White House. You honor us with your presence. This is one of our earliest visits from a foreign leader, and I am truly glad that it could be from such an important and steadfast ally. The bond between our two nations, and the friendship between our two peoples, runs very, very deep. This administration is committed to bringing those ties even closer. We are committed to the security of Japan and all areas under its administrative control, and to further strengthening our very crucial alliance. The U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of peace and stability in the Pacific region. It is important that both Japan and the United States continue to invest very heavily in the alliance to build up our defense and our defensive capabilities, which, under our mutual leadership, will become stronger and stronger, and, as time goes by, ultimately they will be impenetrable. We face numerous challenges, and bilateral cooperation is essential. Our country is committed to being an active and fully engaged partner. We will work together to promote our shared interests, of which we have many in the region, including freedom from navigation and of navigation, and defending against the North Korean missile and nuclear threat, both of which I consider a very, very high priority. On the economy, we will seek a trading relationship that is free, fair and reciprocal, benefitting both of our countries. The vibrant exchange between us is a true blessing. Japan is a proud nation with a rich history and culture, and the American people have profound respect for your country and its traditions. I also want to take this opportunity, Mr. Prime Minister, to thank you and the people of Japan for hosting our armed forces. Working together, our two countries have the ability to bring greater harmony, stability and prosperity to the Pacific region and beyond, improving countless lives in the process. We are committed to that goal -- highly committed. Prime Minister Abe, on behalf of the United States of America, I thank you for being with us today. We will soon be traveling to the great state of Florida, where I know we will have a long and very successful talk, negotiations, and a very, very productive weekend. Mr. Prime Minister. PRIME MINISTER ABE: (As interpreted.) This is the fourth time in six months for me to visit the United States. The last time was in Pearl Harbor, Hawaii at the end of last year. I am indeed sincerely grateful for the always heartwarming welcome accorded to me by the American people. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to President Trump. Donald, you must have been very busy in this very important period of 100 days after your inauguration. And thank you very much for inviting me over to the White House. My name is Abe, but in the United States some people mistakenly pronounce my name as "Abe." But that is not bad, because even in Japan everybody knows the name of that great President, that a farmer and carpenter's son can become a President. And that fact, 150 years ago, surprised the Japanese, who were still under the shogunate rule. The Japanese opened their eyes to democracy. The United States is the champion of democracy. Donald, President, you are excellent businessman, but you have never been in the Congress or been a governor. You have not experienced being in the public office. But you have fought the uphill struggle and fight for more than a year in the election campaign to become a new President. And this is the dynamism of democracy. I would like to celebrate and congratulate Donald being sworn in as the President. The United States is a country having the largest number of chances, opportunities in the world. That has always been the case right now, as well as going forward. This will never change. And that is the reason why automotive industries and other Japanese businesses have built factories all over the United States, to engage in local production here. Last year, from Japan to the United States, there have been more than $150 billion of new investment being made into the United States. And those Japanese businesses have created a large number of jobs. The mutually beneficial economic relations have been built by Japan and the United States. With President Trump taking on the leadership, I'm sure there will be -- major-scale infrastructure investment will be made, including the fast-speed train. Those of you who have rode on the Japanese Shinkansen, I'm sure you would appreciate the speed, the comfort and safety with the latest maglev technology. From Washington, D.C. to New York, where Trump Tower exists, only one hour would it take if you ride the maglev train from Washington, D.C. to New York. Japan, with our high level of technical capability, we will be able to contribute to President Trump's growth strategy. There will be even more new jobs being born in the United States. And to further deepen these bilateral economic relations between Deputy Prime Minister Aso and Vice President Pence, there will be a cross-sectoral dialogue to be held. And we have agreed on this. And furthermore, in Asia Pacific, where we see dramatic growth to expand free trade and investment, this will be a big chance for both Japan and the United States. But, of course, it must be done in a fair manner. Never should a state-owned company, backed by state capital, should not make any economic intervention. Free ride on intellectual property should not be condoned. In Asia Pacific region, with Japan and U.S. taking on the leadership to create free and fair market based upon rules, should be built. I and President Trump have confirmed on our strong will to do so. The cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia Pacific, that is the strong Japan-U.S. alliance. And this is unwavering ties between our two countries. I and President Trump will work together to further strengthen our alliance. We have shared this strong resolve. As we see increasingly difficult security environment, we have confirmed that U.S.-Japan Security Pact Article 5 will be applied to Senkaku Islands. The United States will strengthen its presence in the region. And under the banner of the proactive contribution to peace, Japan will play a greater role. At the same time, we will maintain the deterrence and also to proceed on reducing the impact we had fought through on the realignment of the U.S. forces in Japan. And Henoko's -- relocation to Henoko of the impasse Futenma is the only solution. And Japan and U.S. will continue to work closely on this. On North Korea, we would strongly demand North Korea to abandon nuclear and ballistic missile program, and not to make any more provocations. And we have completely agreed on the importance of the early solution for the abduction issue in East China Sea, South China Sea, and Indian Ocean -- everywhere we need to maintain the freedom of navigation and rule of law. And such international order there must be maintained. Japan and United States have confirmed that we will strongly protest any use of force, as well as coercion to change the status quo. I and the President will address not only bilateral but regional issues. And we have had a very frank exchange of views on the peace and prosperity of the world that we should contribute, for any form of terrorism should be strongly condemned. And we will cooperate in our fight against terrorism. Japan will, of course, exercise a commensurate role in this regard. And furthermore, the regional conflict of the refugees, of poverty and infectious diseases -- there are many challenges faced by the world, which will be a serious issue to threaten the peace and stability for Japan as well as the United States. But Japan and the United States and the international community must work hand in hand in order to solve these questions. Of course, there are disagreements, but we should not close down dialogue just by pointing to the differences and ignoring the common interests and common goals. We need to have dialogue because there are disagreements. What we mostly desire -- what is most desired by those who are challenging the existing international order is to just focus on differences. We should not close the dialogue of Japan -- have for four years that I have consistently followed through on our foreign policy. Now, whatever the challenge and difficulty ahead of us, I and Trump -- President Trump will continue our dialogue to seek shared solutions. And after lunch, I am looking forward for a weekend in Florida with Donald. We will play golf together. My scores in golf is not up to the level of Donald at all, but my policy is never up, never in, always aiming for the cup -- never cut to just the goal with shortcuts and short chops. Those are the words never found in my dictionary. (Laughter.) But in a relaxed atmosphere, I hope to take time to discuss with Donald on the future of the world, future of the region, and future of Japan and the United States. Thank you. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. We’ll take a few questions, unless you don’t want to ask any questions, if that’s possible. Maybe we’ll start -- where is Daniel Halper, New York Post? Daniel. Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’m curious about yesterday’s ruling in the 9th Circuit Court. Has it caused you to rethink your use of executive power? And how will you respond? And will you sign new executive orders and perhaps a new travel ban? And, Mr. Prime Minister, I’m curious about your reaction to America’s withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the TPP. Do you think that that’s weakened America’s position in Asia? And how do you think -- how do you envision any sort of trade deal with the President working out? PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, your question was unrelated to what we’re here for today, but I’ll answer it. We are going to keep our country safe, we are going to do whatever is necessary to keep our country safe. We had a decision which we think we’ll be very successful with. It shouldn’t have taken this much time because safety is a primary reason. One of the reasons I’m standing here today is the security of our country. The voters felt that I would give it the best security. So we’ll be doing something very rapidly having to do with additional security for our country. You’ll be seeing that sometime next week. In addition, we will continue to go through the court process, and ultimately I have no doubt that we’ll win that particular case. PRIME MINISTER ABE: (As interpreted.) Now, in the world, we are also facing the issues of the refugees and terrorism. We need to work closely together on these global issues. Japan have always played our own role, but going forward, we will continue to work with the international community to execute our responsibility in a commensurate manner. And each of our country has immigration control scheme, as well as policy on immigration, as well as refugees. These are to do with domestic affairs of that country, so I would refrain from making any comments. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Okay. Blake Berman, Fox. Blake Berman. Q Thank you, Mr. President. I’d like to pick up where Daniel left off, if you don’t mind. You said earlier this week -- and I’m quoting for you -- you said, "I’ve learned a lot in the last two weeks, and terrorism is a far greater threat than the people of our country understand, but we’re going to take care of it." Based off of what you have learned, and now knowing that your executive order is at least temporarily on hold, do you still feel as confident now as you have been at any point, that you and the administration will be able to protect the homeland? And, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. I would just like to pick off again on what Daniel had asked about TPP. Do you feel it’s a mistake that the United States has at least signaled its intention to withdraw from the deal? Thank you, both. PRESIDENT TRUMP: I feel totally confident that we will have tremendous security for the people of the United States. We will be extreme vetting, which is a term that I developed early in my campaign because I saw what was happening. And while I’ve been President, which is just for a very short period of time, I’ve learned tremendous things that you could only learn, frankly, if you were in a certain position, namely, President. And there are tremendous threats to our country. We will not allow that to happen, I can tell you that right now. We will not allow that to happen. So we’ll be going forward. We’ll be doing things to continue to make our country safe. It will happen rapidly. And we will not allow people into our country who are looking to do harm to our people. We will allow lots of people into our country that will love our people and do good for our country. It’s always going to be that way, at least during my administration, I can tell you that. PRIME MINISTER ABE: (As interpreted.) On TPP -- oh, of course, we are fully aware of President Trump’s decision. On economic issues, we will be discussing at the working lunch to follow. As for Japan and United States, trade and investment, as well as economic relations, how can we develop and grow our relationship. As I have already mentioned, Deputy Prime Minister Aso and Vice President Pence will create a new framework for dialogue, and I am quite optimistic that the good results will be seen from the dialogue. Now, for the free and fair common set of rules to be created for the free trade regime in the region, and that was the purpose of TPP, and that importance have not changed. I, myself, believe that. Q (As interpreted.) Thank you. My name is Hara from NHK. I have a question to Prime Minister Abe. Now, for the automotive market in Japan, as well as foreign exchange of Japan, in the prior remarks there have been discrepancy in your positions. So at the summit meeting, what were the discussions? And were you able to narrow down the gap? And President Trump had said that he will make the United States a great country. What is meant by the “great country”? And, Prime Minister, what do you mean when you say United States is a great ally for you? PRIME MINISTER ABE: Now with the birth of the Trump administration, a new genesis will be built between Japan and U.S. in economic relations. In order to put forward such strong message, I have proposed to launch a new framework for economic dialogue, and we were able to agree on this. As for sectoral discussions, we will be having a discussion at our working lunch. In any case, between President Trump and I, myself, on Japan and U.S. economic relations, we will -- we have already agreed that we will have Vice President Pence and Deputy Prime Minister Aso to discuss fully on the economic relations between our two countries. And we are looking forward for the good results to ensue from the debate between the experts. As for the foreign exchange, we will have -- Secretary of Treasury and the Minister of Finance will continue the close communication. For the United States to become a great nation, the various roles played by the United States and the responsibility to go with it, the world over is faced with increasing uncertainty. That United States will become a great America and become a great and strong ally would be good for Japan. And for Japan and U.S. alliance to be further strengthened would be good not only for our two nations, but also contribute to the peace and prosperity of the Asia Pacific and United States to become even greater. We will welcome that. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. I will say that -- and you've seen it -- ever since I won the election and became President-elect, I’ve been telling companies, car companies and other companies -- many companies: Come back into the United States. And they've been coming back in. And big announcements are going to be made over the next short period of time. Some of you already know what those announcements are. We lost a lot of our factories, a lot of our plants. And those factories and those plants will be coming back. And jobs will be coming back to Michigan and Ohio and Pennsylvania and North Carolina, and so many other places where we've lost so many jobs. And those are the people that were so good to me, and now I’m being good to them. So we've had a tremendous number of announcements. We've had Ford and General Motors and many, many others -- Intel yesterday made a major announcement. And they did that because of what is happening with our tax structure, which is going along very well. And we’ll be having some very big news over the next short period of time. But we are a nation of tremendous potential. And the expression “Make America Great Again,” I will tell you -- and I will add very strongly and with great assurance, it will be greater than ever before. And I just want to thank the Prime Minister for a friendship. We developed a great friendship when we met in New York City, at Trump Tower. We spoke for a long, long period of time. And when I greeted him today at the car, I was saying -- I shook hands, but I grabbed him and hugged him because that's the way we feel. We have a very, very good bond -- very, very good chemistry. I’ll let you know if it changes, but I don't think it will. (Laughter.) So I just want to thank the Prime Minister for being here. We're going to be meeting your wife in a very short period of time, and I look very much forward to that. And I want to thank everybody in the room. We're going to have a tremendous relationship, long-term relationship of mutual benefit with Japan. Thank you all very much. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. PRIME MINISTER ABE: One more. PRESIDENT TRUMP: Yes, certainly. Go ahead. Q (As interpreted.) Thank you very much. From Sankei Shimbun, my name is Takita. I have a question to President Trump. Obama administration, under the rebalance to Asia, have emphasized Asia. But China is taking hardline stance in South China Sea, as well as China Sea. And North Korea has went on with the missiles and nuclear development. So some countries in Asia are concerned over commitment of United States in Asia. So against this backdrop, as was mentioned earlier, for the Trump administration, for the situations in Asia, how would you respond to the increasing difficulty here? And, President, you have repeatedly stated about China taking on the currency -- foreign exchange policies which are not good for the United States. Do you think that eventually it will change in the future? PRESIDENT TRUMP: I had a very, very good conversation, as most of you know, yesterday with the President of China. It was a very, very warm conversation. I think we are on the process of getting along very well. And I think that will also be very much of a benefit to Japan. So we had a very, very good talk last night and discussed a lot of subjects. It was a long talk. And we are working on that as we speak. We have conversations with various representatives of China, I believe, that that will all work out very well for everybody -- China, Japan, the United States, and everybody in the region. As far as the currency devaluations, I’ve been complaining about that for a long time. And I believe that we will all eventually -- and probably very much sooner than a lot of people understand or think -- we will be all at a level playing field, because that's the only way it’s fair. That's the only way that you can fairly compete in trade and other things. And we will be on that field, and we will all be working very hard to do great for our country. But it has to be fair. And we will make it fair. I think the United States is going to be an even bigger player than it is right now, by a lot, when it comes to trade. A lot of that will have to do with our tax policy, which you’ll be seeing in the not-too-distant future. We’ll have an incentive-based policy much more so than we have right now. Right now we don't even know -- nobody knows what policy we have. But we're going to have a very much incentive-based policy. We're working with Congress, working with Paul Ryan, working with Mitch McConnell. And I think people are going to be very, very impressed. We're also working very much -- and this has a lot to do with business -- on health care, where we can get great health care for our country at a much-reduced price, both to the people receiving the health care and to our country. Because our country is paying so much, and Obamacare, as you know, is a total and complete disaster. So we’re going to end up with tremendous health care at a lower price. And I think people are going to be extremely happy. Difficult process, but once we get going -- and, as you know, Tom Price was just approved a few hours ago. So we finally have our Secretary, and now we get down to the final strokes. Again, I want to thank everybody for being here. I want to thank Mr. Prime Minister. What an honor, what a great honor it is. And let’s go to Florida. (Applause.) END 1:37 P.M. EST
The president warmly greeted Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at a White House summit, in words and hugs.
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - With a hug and a handshake, President Donald Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe opened a new chapter in U.S.-Japan relations on Friday with Trump abruptly setting aside campaign pledges to force Tokyo to pay more for U.S. defense aid.
BACKGROUND PRESS CALL BY SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIALS ON PRIME MINISTER ABE'S VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE Via Telephone 12:04 P.M. EST SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Hi. Today’s briefing will be on background. You may quote the official as a senior administration official. With that, I will turn it over to our senior administration official. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Great. Thanks, and hi, everyone. So just before we get started with Q and A, I’ll just say a couple words. I think that in the first few weeks of the Trump administration, you can see the importance that President Trump has placed on our alliances in the Asia Pacific. Alliances, in his view, are central to our security and prosperity. At the end of the day, America is great because of our alliances, and the U.S. recognizes that we have tremendous interests across the region. The President has already spoken to several of his counterparts across the region, including Japan and Korea, Australia and New Zealand. I joined Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis on his first trip as Secretary of Defense to Korea, as well as to Japan last week, and Secretary Mattis’ words and deeds, I think, really went a long way toward reassuring our allies that we stand with them, shoulder to shoulder, 100 percent, and that we’re seeking to strengthen what are already longstanding and major and important alliances. So it’s really in that light that Prime Minister Abe is visiting, arriving tonight in Washington for a visit that’s going to stretch into the weekend. He is only the second head of state to visit President Trump since his inauguration. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Minor clarification. Minor clarification. Wouldn’t he be more properly described as a head of government? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thank you -- because of the emperor. So, and he is also -- or is it because of the Queen actually, in the UK? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, right, exactly. And Theresa May is head of government and -- right. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I hear you. So it’s not the first time that he’s met Prime Minister Abe. Prime Minister Abe was the first leader to (inaudible) President Trump after the election. They’ve had already a number of conversations, and I think that that really makes clear the importance that the President is placing on that relationship and on the U.S. role in the Asia Pacific region. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: All right, are you ready for questions? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Sure. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Okay. Let’s open it up. Q Hello? Hey, sorry, the operator was talking, I couldn’t hear. It’s Margaret Talev with Bloomberg. Thanks for doing the call. First of all, just hoping you can walk us through his schedule. What time is the news conference? What’s happening tomorrow versus Saturday, yadda yadda? I also am wondering if you can address -- do you expect any deliverables and/or any reportable developments on nuclear power, on high-speed rail, or on anything bilateral trade-ish, TPP-ish? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Right, okay. So I think you’re going to get the precise schedule through my colleague's office. So I'm not going to go into extreme detail just out of fear of giving you bad -- SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: To clarify that, you'll get it through main press. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: But just some of the highlights -- the Prime Minister and his delegation are going to meet with President Trump in the Oval Office tomorrow. They are going to have a conversation that's going to cover a very wide range of subjects dealing with the bilateral relationship, the security piece of the relationship, as well as the economic, and also talking about matters of mutual interest regionally and globally as well. After that, there is going to be a working lunch. It will be a slightly larger grouping of people. And that lunch will probably delve more deeply into the economic piece of the relationship. And from there, the President and the Prime Minister are going to travel down to Palm Beach, where the Prime Minister and his wife will be guests of President Trump for the weekend. And I imagine that there will be a fair bit of golf involved, as well as more time together eating and just relaxing really down at Mar-a-Lago. Q News conference? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: The second part in terms of deliverables -- I'll leave it to the Japanese to talk in more concrete terms about what might be announced in the way of concrete deliverables on the economic side. But I can tell you that the U.S. and Japan represent together 30 percent of the world's GDP. We share an interest in sustaining a strong global economy, ensuring financial stability, and ensuring job growth in both countries. And Prime Minister Abe is well acquainted with President Trump's priorities, which you could sum up in three words -- jobs, jobs, jobs -- when it comes to the economic relationship. And so I think that they'll have pretty in-depth discussions about the overall relationship as well as reaffirming the interest in seeing a free and rules-based trading order in the region. But I'll leave it to you and your colleagues in the press to extract from the Japanese any concrete deliverables that might come. Q My question is about whether the Senkaku Islands will be on the agenda and whether President Trump, given his track record of being willing to break from previous U.S. policy, would be considering taking a different position on the sovereignty of the Senkakus, particularly in light of his effort to create leverage in negotiations with China. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Got it. Brian, good to hear your voice. So on the Senkakus, the standing U.S. policy has been that the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, Article 5 of that treaty does apply to the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, which we recognize as being administered by Japan. That certainly is the Trump administration’s policy, as well. And I can -- I would expect certainly for you to hear on that subject and in fairly concrete terms that President Trump is committed to that treaty and it extending. We oppose any unilateral actions that would seek to undermine Japan’s administration of the islands. As for the question of sovereignty, that is really something that I would not expect to see addressed in this visit. Q Thanks for doing the call. I wanted to get a question on color that shapes how Prime Minister Abe became the recipient of this sort of informal summit, the first of this President, how that came about, and whether or not that means that the President will have more sort of unfettered time to talk about issues in a sort of different context than he would in the White House. And then I didn't hear you address whether there would be a news conference -- to Margaret’s question. And just lastly on the question of trade, kind of dovetailing with what Brian was asking with respect to China, are there things on the agenda that would allow the Trump administration to move forward with the Japanese on any sort of bilateral trade agreement that would supplant TPP? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Got it. Okay, so in terms of color about how this summit came about, I think that it was a natural result of the foundation that was laid before the inauguration with Prime Minister Abe’s early visit. And it was the natural result of the President’s belief that our alliances are central to our success, both in terms of security and prosperity in the region. As to whether there will be other meetings that follow a sort of -- a casual format, or what you call “unfettered” time together, I wouldn’t be surprised if that was the case. The President does have a -- believes in getting to know leaders that he knows he’s going to be spending a lot of time dealing with. And on relationships that are important to him, he believes he can get the measure of the people through more informal settings. And so I imagine that he’ll make use of time outside of Washington, D.C., with leaders from time to time. As for a news conference, my colleague can confirm, but, yes, there will be a press conference tomorrow after the -- I believe it’s after the meeting in the Oval Office. And on trade discussions, the President I think has made pretty clear that he believes that bilateral agreements are really the way to go for the United States, that in a bilateral agreement you can negotiate terms that are more favorable to the United States than you can negotiate in a multilateral agreement, where sometimes you’re held to the standard of the weakest link in the compact. So I’m not going to get ahead of discussions tomorrow to see where discussions go. But I think that this is a first -- it’s really a first summit since they’ve come into office, so they’re going to be talking on a pretty wide range of subjects and certainly touching on possible paths forward with relation to the overall economic relationship. But we’ll leave it at that. Q Thank you so much for the call, guys. And thank you for giving me an opportunity to ask a question. What I wanted to ask you is, there is a certain attempt to forge closer ties between Japan and Russia. There has been recently a meeting between President Putin and Prime Minister Abe. And we see a general -- I don’t know if I want to use the word rapprochement between the two countries -- well, certainly something like that is taking place. I wanted to ask you -- does the Trump administration have any objections to that? Or do you encourage that? How do you view those bilateral attempts between Russia and Japan? Thank you. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Thanks very much. We certainly understand that Japan, as a neighbor of Russia, puts high importance on its own bilateral relations with Russia. And the United States respects that and isn’t seeking to interfere with Prime Minister Abe’s priorities in his dealings with Russia. But I’ll leave it to Prime Minister Abe and his government to talk in detail about that bilateral relationship. Q I wanted to ask if you had any specific item that the President is expected to push Prime Minister Abe on. For example, currency manipulation does seem to be a subject of those around him that has been stressed throughout TPP negotiations from the Republican side. Thank you. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yeah, I mean, the President’s comments the other day about currency manipulation weren’t the first comments he’s made about his views on that subject. I think that over the course of a long weekend together, the two leaders are going to cover a pretty broad range of subjects. I don’t think that’s necessarily a -- I can tell you that’s not something that’s at the top of the list, but whether it comes up naturally in conversation, we’ll see over the course of that meeting. Q Hi, this is Kyle Cardine from Fuji TV. First, I wanted to ask, yesterday Sean Spicer said he would take the question in regards to who was paying for Prime Minister Abe’s visit to Mar-a-Lago. And also we have one more from our bureau chief. Q Hi, the President the other day said that Japan is sending hundreds of thousands of cars with big ships, but U.S. cannot sell its cars in Japan. But, in fact, there's no importing tax in Japan, and also the Japanese car manufacturing companies are creating a lot of jobs here in the United States. How do you respond to this kind of Japanese government opinion? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I'm sorry, the line went a little fuzzy just at the end of your bureau chief's question. I'm sorry, if you could repeat that. Q My question is, the President said the U.S. cannot sell its own cars in Japan, but, in fact, there's no importing tax in Japan for U.S. cars. And also, the Japanese car manufacturing companies are creating a lot of jobs here in the United States because they are producing most of the cars in the U.S. How do you respond to this kind of Japanese government opinion? Thank you. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Right. Okay, so on who's paying for the visit, I'd defer to Sean Spicer to get back to you on that, since I'm not directly involved with the logistics. I'm sure that whatever arrangement was made -- SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: I can address that. The visit to Mar-a-Lago is a personal gift of -- I don’t know exactly how we're phrasing it, but it's something that the President is doing for the Prime Minister. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Got it. And on your second one, I would really -- what I'd like to do is defer to my colleague who's actually working on the economic piece in more detail than I am on this visit. And he's not on the line, so my excuse to dodge the question -- the import tax. But automobiles is certainly going to be an important topic of conversation in both directions, because it's such an iconic and critical part of the Japanese economy. It's of high interest to President Trump. And I'm sure that that will come up in discussion. Q Hey, it's Olivier Knox at Yahoo! News. I have a couple for you. The first one is, unless I missed it, the President has not yet spoken to Xi Jinping. Is there, beyond the sort of symbolic importance of this, are you sending a deliberate message by doing that? And then, specifically for you, what's the President's position in terms of North Korea in terms of a six-party-like approach or unilateral pressure? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So in terms of -- you're right that the President Trump has not spoken with President Xi Jinping. The two have exchanged letters. Xi Jinping had sent a congratulatory letter on the day of the President's inauguration. And President Trump yesterday sent a letter to Xi Jinping really to wish President Xi and the people of China a happy Lantern Festival -- the Lantern Festival is on Saturday. I recommend you going and getting those soup dumplings somewhere in the D.C. area -- (laughter) -- which is fun to do. And, of course, a prosperous and healthy year of the rooster, as well. The President, in his note to Xi Jinping, stated that he believes that having a constructive relationship with China would be something that would serve the fundamental interests of both of our countries and really the region in the world more widely, and that he does look forward to discussing matters of mutual cooperation, as well as delving into some of the well-known differences in the relationship. So they are in contact. To your second question about six-party talks and the like, I'd say that it's right now premature to detail a North Korea strategy on the part of the Trump administration. And in time we'll have more that we'll be prepared to say about that. Japan and the United States both strongly urge North Korea not to take provocative acts. And, of course, were they to do so, that would be information that would feed into and inform a Trump administration approach to the DPRK. Q The Japanese I’ve spoken with since the campaign have obviously been quite nervous about some of the rhetoric that they heard from the President back on the campaign trail about paying more for the bases and wouldn’t mind perhaps if Japan and South Korea built their own nuclear weapons. What is -- how is the President going to assure Prime Minister Abe that the United States truly has its back and that there’s no need for the Japanese to worry that the United States isn’t going to be there for its defense? SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Sure. I think the way he’ll do it is both in words and in actions, and those words and actions are already taking place. Secretary of Defense Mattis, who the President had asked to visit the region, made very clear statements about the strength of the alliance, that these alliances and our commitment to them are unwavering and really the cornerstone of prosperity, security and freedom in the Asia Pacific region. So I think that you’re going to hear similar messages from the President himself. And I think that that will go a long way towards dispelling any doubts that may still remain, or Japanese and Korean and friends and other friends and allies throughout the region. SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Okay. Thank you for doing that. Thanks, everybody, for joining. We appreciate it. END 12:30 P.M. EST
TOKYO (Reuters) - Tokyo has secured cost cuts on support equipment for its next batch of six U.S. F-35 stealth fighter aircraft of around $100 million, according to sources and Japanese budget papers, on top of savings being finalised for all buyers of the high-tech jets.
[Миротворческие бомбовозы] TNY: Почему Китай и Россия боятся новых американских авианосцев типа "Джеральд Форд"
В 2009 году ВМС США приступили к строительству первого за 35 лет авианосца нового типа. Названный именем бывшего президента США и морского летчика Джеральда Форда, этот корабль в полной мере стал атомным авианосцем XXI века. Примененные в новом корабле технологические новшества привели к неизбежной задержке в строительстве первого авианосца; но эти инновации помогут ВМС США на все обозримое будущее стать обладателем уникального флота суперавианосцев, которые являются самыми крупными и самыми современными во всем мире. "Форд" пошел по стопам исключительно успешных американских авианосцев типа "Нимиц". Его строительство началось в 2009 году на верфях компании Huntington Ingalls Industries в Ньюпорт-Ньюс, штат Виргиния, где создавались авианосцы-предшественники. Надо сказать, что "Форд" во многом похож на "Нимиц". Его длина составляет 337 метров, в то время как у "Нимица" она равна 333 метрам. Водоизмещение у обоих авианосцев одинаковое, составляя с полной загрузкой 100 000 тонн. Схема размещения компонентов тоже схожая. Надстройка на верхней палубе авианосцев находится по правому борту. Кроме того, у них имеется четыре катапульты и угловая полетная палуба. В движение новый корабль приводится двумя ядерными реакторами АВ1 новой конструкции. Изготовлены они компанией Bechtel, которая превзошла своих давних и сильных конкурентов General Electric и Westinghouse, получив заказ на строительство энергетической установки. В совокупности два реактора вырабатывают 600 мегаватт электроэнергии, то есть, в три раза больше, чем у "Нимица" с его 200 мегаваттами. Этого электричества достаточно, чтобы обеспечить все дома в Хэмптоне, штат Виргиния, Пасадене, штат Калифорния, или в Сиракьюс, штат Нью-Йорк. "Форду" нужна вся эта электроэнергия, причем не только для развития максимальной скорости хода в 35 узлов, но и для питания новых электромагнитных катапульт EMALS на основе линейного электродвигателя, в котором электрический ток создает мощные магнитные поля, придающие самолету нужное ускорение для достижения взлетной скорости. Про эту систему говорят, что она проще, что она продлевает самолетный ресурс, что ее легче обслуживать, и что она способна обеспечить на 25% больше самолетовылетов, чем старая паровая катапульта. На новом авианосце также будет использована более современная система посадки самолетов. В новом турбоэлектрическом аэрофинишере фирмы General Atomics натяжение троса будет регулироваться индукционным электромотором, что обеспечит более плавный пробег. Как и электромагнитные катапульты, этот аэрофинишер должен стать более надежным, чем действующее на "Нимице" тормозное устройство. Он также облегчит нагрузку на планер самолета. У авианосца "Форд" самые современные во всем флоте радиолокационные установки. Там имеется двухдиапазонная радиолокационная система, которая интегрирует в себе многофункциональную РЛС AN/SPY-3 Aegis X-диапазона и радар объемного обзора VSR S-диапазона. Эта двухдиапазонная радиолокационная система обеспечивает поиск, сопровождение и подсветку большого количества целей для ракет, обнаружение самолетов и ракет противника и пуск ракет-перехватчиков Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM) для их уничтожения. Для самообороны на авианосце имеются две пусковых установки Mk. 29 по восемь ракет ESSM на каждую, а также две пусковых установки для зенитных ракет RAM. Корабль также оснащен системой оружия ближнего боя Phalanx для объектовой обороны от самолетов, ракет и небольших кораблей противника, и четырьмя пулеметами M2 калибра.50. Огромная электрическая мощность позволит "Форду" в перспективе разместить на борту оборонительное лазерное оружие. Такое оружие, получая энергию от корабельных реакторов, будет иметь практически неограниченный боекомплект, что существенно расширит оборонительные возможности авианосца. Авиационное крыло самолетов палубной авиации - это главное наступательное и оборонительное оружие "Форда". На борту авианосца будут размещаться две эскадрильи единых ударных истребителей F-35C по 10-12 машин, две эскадрильи истребителей-штурмовиков F/A-18E/F Super Hornet по 10-12 самолетов, пять самолетов электронного противодействия EA-18G Growler, четыре самолета ДРЛО E-2D Hawkeye и два транспортных самолета C-2 Greyhound. В состав авиакрыла также войдут восемь вертолетов MH-60S Seahawk. Позже корабль получит на вооружение беспилотники для дозаправки в воздухе и ведения разведки MQ-25 Stingray. Со временем истребители шестого поколения должны заменить Super Hornet, а если сенатор Джон Маккейн настоит на своем, на борту "Форда" появятся новые ударные беспилотные летательные аппараты большой дальности. А конвертоплан V-22 Osprey может заменить C-2 Greyhound в качестве транспортника. Когда "Форд" войдет в боевой состав флота, количество авианосцев в ВМС снова увеличится до 11. Авианосная группа ВМС уникальна тем, что конгресс законодательно установил ее минимальную численность. В параграфе 5062 кодекса законов США говорится: "Боевые силы ВМС должны включать в свой состав не менее 11 действующих авианосцев". Пока это требование не выполняется. Появятся и другие авианосцы нового типа. "Джон Кеннеди" станет вторым кораблем в этой серии, получив имя 35-го президента США. В настоящее время его строят в Ньюпорт-Ньюс, а в состав флота он войдет в 2020 году. Закладка третьего авианосца "Энтерпрайз" ожидается в будущем году, а в строй он войдет в начале 2020-х. В рамках усилий президента Дональда Трампа и начальника штаба ВМС по увеличению количества кораблей до 350-355 единиц в ближайшее время может быть заложен как минимум еще один авианосец типа "Форд". Хотя этот корабль оснащен новейшей техникой, свои проблемы у него тоже имеются. Серьезные трудности возникли при разработке электромагнитных катапульт EMALS и нового аэрофинишера, и в ВМС какое-то время даже думали о том, чтобы поставить на "Кеннеди" более традиционную и надежную тормозную систему. Несмотря на трудности в процессе конструирования, новые системы взлета и посадки почти готовы. По данным ВМС, "Форд" построен на 99%, а испытания завершены на 93%. В боевой состав ВМС авианосец должен войти в апреле. Оригинал публикации: Why China and Russia Fear America's New Ford-Class Aircraft Carriers Кайл Мизоками - специалист в области обороны и национальной безопасности. Живет и работает в Сан-Франциско, а его статьи публикуются в таких изданиях как Diplomat, Foreign Policy, War is Boring и Daily Beast. В 2009 году он стал одним из создателей блога Japan Security Watch.(http://inosmi.ru/military...)
Michael Buckalew Politics, Eurasia The Kuril Islands dispute is older than World War II. The dispute over the southernmost Kuril Islands—Etorofu/Iturup, Kunashiri/Kunashir, Shikotan and the Habomai Islands—have been a point of tension between Japan and Russia since their seizure by the Soviet Union in 1945. More than seventy years on, Russo-Japanese relations are still abnormal because of the enduring territorial dispute. Historical factors have largely prevented the issue from being settled. These include demography, mentalities, institutions, geography and economy, all of which incentivize hard-line policy positions over compromise. The first four factors promote continued deadlock, while economics in the form of petropolitics holds some hope for a solution. Russian claims to the Kurils go back to the mid-seventeenth century, through periodic contact with Japan via Hokkaido. In 1821, a de facto boundary was established, with Etorofu being Japanese territory and Russian land beginning at Urup Island. Subsequently, the Treaties of Shimoda (1855) and St. Petersburg (1875) were peacefully agreed upon, with the four currently disputed islands being part of Japan. The final time the Kurils changed hands was at the conclusion of World War II, with the Allied powers effectively agreeing to give the islands to Russia at Yalta in 1945. The dispute became part of Cold War politics during the San Francisco Treaty negotiations, with Article 2c forcing Japan to give up its claims to the entire Kuril chain. However, the Soviet Union’s refusal to sign the agreement left the islands in limbo. In 1956, there was a Soviet-Japanese Joint Declaration that ended the de facto state of war, but failed to resolve the territorial question. Following the ratification of the 1960 U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, further negotiations ceased until the 1990s. Read full article
* Says its president Tsutomu Aoshima's stake in co raised back to 11.4 percent as 94,500 shares returned by Japan Securities Finance Co LTD on Dec. 1
В 1968 году американская атомная субмарина отправилась со сверхсекретной миссией в Россию (и не вернулась)
В мае 1968 года американская ударная атомная подводная лодка отправилась с секретной миссией шпионить за советским военно-морским флотом. Через семь дней после получения этого приказа, когда семьи членов экипажа ждали у причала возвращения лодки «Скорпион», которая три месяца пробыла на боевой службе в море, командование ВМС поняло, что субмарина пропала. «Скорпион» стал жертвой таинственного инцидента, о характере которого спорят по сей день. Атомная подводная лодка ВМС США Scorpion была ударной субмариной типа Skipjack. Она стала одной из первых в Америке подводных лодок с «альбакоровской», или каплевидной формой корпуса, в отличие от более массивных лодок времен Второй мировой войны и послевоенного периода. Лодку заложили в августе 1958 года, а в строй она вошла в июле 1960 года. Субмарины типа Skipjack были меньше современных атомных подлодок. Они имели водоизмещение 3 075 тонн, длину 77 метров и ширину 9,5 метра. Экипаж насчитывал 99 человек, включая 12 офицеров и 87 матросов и старшин. В лодках этого типа впервые был применен атомный реактор фирмы Westinghouse S5W, который обеспечивал им максимальную надводную скорость 15 узлов, и подводную 33 узла. Основным вооружением лодок этого типа были самонаводящиеся противолодочные торпеды Mk-37. Лодка была оснащена гидролокатором активного самонаведения, имела дальность пуска 9 тысяч метров и скорость 26 узлов. Боевой заряд состоял из бинарных взрывчатых веществ с маркировкой HBX-3 и весом 150 килограммов. На момент пропажи лодке «Скорпион» было всего восемь лет, и по современным меркам она была довольно новой. Тем не менее экипаж довольно часто жаловался на нее, показывая тем самым, что субмарина уже устаревает. В 1998 году в журнале U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings появилась статья, в которой говорилось о том, что у лодки «Скорпион» на момент последнего похода было 109 невыполненных технических заданий. У нее имелись «хронические проблемы» с гидравликой, не работала система аварийного продувания, а аварийные запорные вентили забортной воды еще не были децентрализованы. В начале последнего похода из боевой рубки субмарины вытекло 5 680 литров масла, когда она вышла из залива Хэмптон Роудс. За два месяца до исчезновения лодки командир «Скорпиона» капитан третьего ранга Фрэнсис Этвуд Слэттери (Francis Atwood Slattery) подал срочную заявку на ремонт корпуса, отметив в своем рапорте, что он «находится в очень плохом состоянии». Он также выразил обеспокоенность в связи с протечкой вентилей, из-за чего субмарина не могла погружаться глубже 100 метров, хотя ее предельная глубина погружения была в три раза больше. Многие в ВМС называли эту лодку металлоломом. 20 мая командующий подводным флотом США в Атлантике отдал экипажу «Скорпиона» приказ вести наблюдение за соединением советских кораблей вблизи Канарских островов. Это соединение включало в свой состав подводную лодку проекта 675, спасательное судно, два гидрографических судна, эсминец и судно-заправщик. Командование считало, что это соединение осуществляет сейсмоакустические исследования надводных и подводных кораблей НАТО. 21 мая «Скорпион» доложил по радио свое местонахождение, сообщив ориентировочную дату возвращения в Норфолк — 27 мая. В докладе не было ничего необычного. К 28 мая командование ВМС поняло, что подводная лодка погибла. Предназначенная для обнаружения советских субмарин гидроакустическая противолодочная система SOSUS засекла мощный взрыв под водой. Позднее затонувшую лодку нашли на глубине 3 047 метров при помощи глубоководного батискафа. Обломки корпуса были разбросаны на площади 1 000×600 метров. Что же случилось со «Скорпионом»? В докладе ВМС США по этому инциденту не было окончательных выводов. Возникло несколько теорий по поводу гибели лодки и 99 членов ее экипажа, причем одна из них была конспирологической. Но все они были неубедительны и не имели твердых доказательств. Техническая консультативная группа, собранная в ВМС для изучения вещественных доказательств, выдвинула теорию о том, что лодка стала жертвой торпеды, которая случайно пришла в боевое состояние внутри торпедного аппарата. В отличие от других торпед, выбрасываемых газовой струей, эта Mk-37 медленнее и тише выплывала из торпедного аппарата, благодаря чему засечь лодку было невозможно. Эта теория подтверждается рядом сообщений о том, что в момент разрушения субмарина двигалась не в том направлении, которым должна была следовать для того, чтобы пришедшая в боевое состояние торпеда не могла развернуться на 180 градусов и навестись на собственную лодку. Согласно другой теории, сломался блок утилизации мусора, из-за чего в лодку попала вода и вошла в контакт с 69-тонной электрической батареей, что вызвало взрыв. На «Скорпионе» действительно должны были установить новый запор для системы утилизации мусора, и из-за сбоев в ее работе забортная вода в прошлом уже попадала внутрь корпуса. И наконец, согласно последней теории, на борту лодки произошел взрыв водорода во время или сразу после зарядки батарей. В момент взрыва субмарина находилась на перископной глубине, и вполне вероятно, что именно в том момент происходило запирание водонепроницаемых люков. Это был анахронизм из доядерной эпохи, и из-за запирания люков в аккумуляторном отсеке мог накопиться вызрывоопасный водород, что случается во время зарядки батарей. Одной-единственной искры достаточно, чтобы вызвать взрыв газа водорода, она и могла привести к детонации батарей. Это соответствует данным с шумопеленгаторов, которые зафиксировали два небольших взрыва с разницей в полсекунды. Конспирологическая теория состоит в том, что «Скорпион» ввязался в некую драку в манере холодной войны, и что лодку потопило соединение советских кораблей. В 1968 году затонуло необычайно много подводных лодок, в том числе израильская Dakar, французская Minerve и советская K-129. По мнению конспирологов, холодная война в морской пучине время от времени превращалась в войну вполне реальную, из-за чего было потеряно несколько субмарин. К сожалению, доказательств нет, как нет и объяснений того, каким образом советское соединение, в составе которого было всего два боевых корабля, сумело потопить довольно современную лодку «Скорпион». Убедительного и исчерпывающего объяснения гибели подводной лодки «Скорпион» скорее всего не будет никогда. Это вызывает сожаление, однако после того случая ВМС США не потеряли ни одной субмарины. Гибель «Трешера» и «Скорпиона» с 228 членами экипажа на борту стала тяжелым уроком для ВМС, но они его усвоили. От этого выиграли десятки тысяч подводников, которые благополучно вернулись домой из походов. Кайл Мизоками — специалист в области обороны и национальной безопасности. Живет и работает в Сан-Франциско, а его статьи публикуются в таких изданиях как Diplomat, Foreign Policy, War is Boring и Daily Beast. В 2009 году он стал одним из создателей блога Japan Security Watch.
Japan's Abe meets President-elect Trump: Implications for climate action in the Asia-Pacific and the Paris Agreement
Japan's Abe meets with President-elect Trump: Implications for climate action in the Asia-Pacific and the Paris Agreement Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will visit President-elect Trump this Thursday on 17 November in New York, on his way to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders' meeting to be held in Peru from 19-20 November. Such an early visit from a sitting Japanese Prime Minister to a President-elect of the United States is unprecedented. Why is Abe so eager to establish friendly relations with the President-to-be Trump and his Cabinet in waiting? There will be two major agenda items on Abe's wish list, both of which provide a turning point for US-Japan relations and the potential for a truly sustainable development path in the Asia-Pacific region. 1. The Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement A key plank of Prime Minister Abe's geo-strategic ambition and economic agenda for the Asia Pacific has been the fast-track of the TPP agreement. So much so, the Abe administration forced an early consideration of the draft legislation through Japan's lower house during the US election campaign at the expense of ratifying the Paris Climate Agreement, which was subsequently delayed. While Obama was a strong supporter and sponsor of the TPP, Trump has stated clearly his administration would promptly send the TPP to the dustbin. Without US ratification, the trade agreement will not meet the threshold for validity, which requires ratification among at least 6 signatories representing 85% of the GDP of all negotiating parties. Even party stalwarts in the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan have now come out saying the Agreement is likely dead in the water. This leaves Prime Minister Abe with no credible strategy to set the economic and trade agenda in the Asia Pacific in response to China's rising ascendancy. So what can Abe do on the economic front? First, give up on the TPP. Greater freedom for multi-national corporations will only serve to hasten the race to the bottom, increase inequality, while restricting the ability of states to reduce carbon pollution. Furthermore, excluding China from such a framework will only serve to increase tensions in East Asia, creating greater reason for China to pursue its own rule-making - just look at the South China Sea - and create an economic agenda centered around Chinese sponsored institutions (ie the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank). Instead, Abe should take this opportunity to set an alternative regional economic path that does not rely on the United States and top-down rule making for the benefit of the few, but contributes to broad-based benefits for all. Such a framework must include cooperation with China in line with the Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Climate Agreement. A new economic agenda needs to be set that will hasten the transition to a zero-emission economy by 2050 - engendering regional cooperation and technology transfer for a sustainable future. To do this, Abe will need to give up on so called "clean coal" and invest heavily in renewable energy technology. While Abe may be tempted to follow Trump's lead and dig in on coal and fossil fuel expansion - this will only serve to further isolate Japan and the US as climate laggards against the majority of global opinion, jeopardizing the success of the Paris Climate Agreement and a safe liveable planet for all. In the US case, Trump may act to lift carbon pollution restrictions under Obama's Clean Power Plan affecting the most dirty coal-fired power plants and ease leasing restrictions on public lands, however this will not in large impact the broader economics of coal - decreasing demand and rising costs versus increasing demands and lower costs for renewable energy development. In Japan's case, continuing massive government subsidies for coal development overseas may prolong its decline as the energy choice of the past, however soon enough the growing economies of Southeast Asia will demand cleaner, healthier alternatives. Domestically, plans to build 48 new coals plants are completely inconsistent with Japan's obligations under the Paris Agreement and will expose Japan to increasing international criticism for its intransigence. Following Trump's fossil fuel agenda is a sure path to climate catastrophe, economic decline, and stranded assets. Furthermore, deepening Japan's fossil fuel reliance will give a substantial boost to China's global leadership in renewable energy - giving China further soft power and market share as a champion for sustainable development in the region. Instead, Abe could utilize Japan Inc's reputation for reliable, high value technology and apply it to expanding Japan's market share of renewable energy technology and exports - an expanding need in the Asia-Pacific. This could be done in cooperation with progressive US States like California and global technology leaders who despite a Trump presidency will continue to aggressively support renewable energy development and innovation. This would at once put Japan in a leadership position in international affairs and improve its economic prospects as renewable energy demands grow throughout the region. This brings us to the second big-ticket item on Abe's checklist. 2. China and the US-Japan Alliance With Trump's victory, it is almost inevitable that the United States will move toward Trump style "America first" protectionism. This will antagonize China, and may negatively affect markets including Japan as China may be forced to retaliate if trade restrictions escalate. Trump's views on the US role in Asia is at best ambivalent, and a key concern for Abe is Trump's repeated calls for Japan to pay the full price for the United States protection, and off-the-cuff remarks that Japan and South Korea should hold nuclear weapons to counter the threat of North Korea. Whether this rhetoric will lead to any substantive change in bilateral relations with Japan is a moot point, however the Abe administration is anxious to emphasize the importance of the US-Japan Security Treaty and maintain the US presence in East Asia to counter China's growing power and influence. A cold reception from Trump on defence cooperation in Asia may force Abe to re-think strategic relations towards a more independent foreign policy. So what to do with China? Forget about "containment" - build regional security through cooperative action to stop climate change. China is already much too powerful for a zero-sum game. Instead of using trade as a weapon and maintaining antagonistic relations through military build up, move Japan towards greater cooperation with China for mutual economic prosperity and regional security. Rather than try to control trade rules without China's participation, Japan should work with China to bring about a more prosperous, sustainable and peaceful Asia Pacific region through increasing transparency and social and environmental protections for international investment in resilient zero carbon infrastructure - a win-win-win for national, bilateral and planetary good. Using the Paris Agreement coming into force as the catalyst, Abe could start with re-evaluating Japan's engagement with the AIIB as a new opportunity for Japanese firms to engage in building a 100% renewable energy-based Asia-Pacific. Continuing down the path of fossil fuel expansion will only lock in a dangerous warming world - the biggest threat to global security and economic welfare humans have faced. Repositioning Japan as a renewable energy leader in the Asia-Pacific The election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States gives Prime Minister Abe an opportunity to set an alternative geo-political and regional economic path that goes beyond the US-Japan alliance, and incorporates an ascendant China into a sustainable collective future for the Asia-Pacific. This means giving up on the TPP and coal technology exports while working with China to achieve the goals set out in the Paris Agreement toward a more sustainable, peaceful and prosperous Asia-Pacific region - based on the renewable technologies of the future. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
Japan’s leader will likely seek reassurances that President-elect Donald Trump remains committed to the U.S.-Japan security alliance when the two meet in New York on Thursday.
Курс доллара США во вторник слабо снижается по отношению к большинству основных мировых валют, однако в целом трейдеры занимают осторожную позицию в ожидании новых сигналов от Федеральной резервной системы (ФРС), сообщает MarketWatch.
Barry R. Posen Security, United States At at least $100 billion a year, and with all kinds of risks attached, they're a bad deal. The United States stands at the center of a far flung global alliance system, which commits it to defend the security of countries rich and poor, great and small, liberal and illiberal. The principal U.S. formal alliances are the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the U.S.-Japan security treaty, the Republic of Korea Treaty, and the Australia-New Zealand (ANZUS) treaty. The United States has less formal relationships with Israel and several Arab states, and many others around the world. The foreign-policy establishment insists that all of these alliances are central to our security. The reasons offered since the end of the Cold War to support this judgment are seldom clear, and the costs are always buried, if acknowledged at all. The value of U.S. alliances should be judged on their contribution to U.S. security--the ability to defend the safety, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the United States. The combination of the inherent strengths of the U.S. economy, the nature of modern military technology--both nuclear and conventional, along with the American military's mastery of those technologies--and two vast ocean barriers, make it either unbelievably foolhardy or hugely difficult for others to constitute a major threat to the U.S. homeland. Given the relative ease of ensuring U.S. security without extensive help from others, it is a challenge to show that the security value of these alliances exceeds the costs and risks incurred for them. In no case do current allies directly "defend" the United States, though some do occupy important strategic geography, which contributes to our military power. At best, our allies defend themselves with vast assistance from the United States. What does this assistance cost? Costs The United States bears four principal costs for these alliances: 1) the direct military costs; 2) the costs of wars waged mainly for the purpose of reassuring these allies; 3) the nuclear risks necessary to "extend" nuclear deterrence to these allies and 4) the "moral hazard" consequences of security guarantees, which have the perverse effect of driving down the defense efforts of allies and further driving up U.S. military costs. Read full article