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Рэнд Пол
Рэнд Пол
Рэндал Говард "Рэнд" Пол (Randal Howard "Rand" Paul, p. 7 января 1963 года, Питтсбург, Пенсильвания) — американский политик, сторонник либертарианских политических взглядов, сенатор от штата Кентукки, член Республиканской партии, один из активистов движения чаепития. С ...

Рэндал Говард "Рэнд" Пол (Randal Howard "Rand" Paul, p. 7 января 1963 года, Питтсбург, Пенсильвания) — американский политик, сторонник либертарианских политических взглядов, сенатор от штата Кентукки, член Республиканской партии, один из активистов движения чаепития. Сын Рона Пола, первый в истории США действующий сенатор, один из родителей которого является членом Палаты представителей США.


Рэндал Говард Пол родился 7 января 1963 года, в Питтсбурге, штат Пенсильвания, в семье Рональда Эрнеста Пола и Кэрол Пол (урожденной Уэллс). В семье третий ребёнок из пяти В подростковом возрасте стал верующим христианином.

В 1968 году, семья Пола переехала в Лейк-Джексон, штат Техас, где он вырос. Когда ему было 13 лет, его отец был избран в Палату представителей США.

В 1988 году поступил в медицинский университет и закончил его в 1993 году.

5 августа 2011 года вступил в должность сенатора США.

7 апреля 2015 года объявил о намерении баллотироваться на пост Президента США в качестве кандидата от Республиканской партии на выборах 2016 года.



Официальная страница на сайте Сената США

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23 марта, 19:12

Obamacare Repeal Vote Looms: What Investors Need to Know

Investors' eyes will be focused on Congress today, as the House is scheduled to vote on the American Healthcare Act (AHCA). Whether you think it???s "Obamacare Lite" or "dead on arrival" like Sen. Rand Paul, the AHCA has certainly made an impact on Wall Street, as well as the entire healthcare industry since its announcement.

23 марта, 11:30

National Interest: трудно не согласиться с тем, что Маккейн «немного свихнулся»

Американский сенатор Джон Маккейн обвинил недавно одного из своих коллег Рэнда Пола в том, что тот «работает на Владимира Путина». Комментируя эти слова, Пол высказал своё мнение, что республиканец, возможно, «немного свихнулся».

23 марта, 08:29

National Interest: трудно не согласиться с тем, что Маккейн «немного свихнулся»

Американский сенатор Джон Маккейн обвинил недавно одного из своих коллег Рэнда Пола в том, что тот «работает на Владимира Путина», пишет обозреватель The National Interest Дуг Бэндоу. Комментируя эти слова, Пол высказал своё мнение, что республиканец, возможно, «немного свихнулся». Автор материала, анализируя заявления и действия Маккейна, отмечает, что с этой оценкой трудно не согласиться.

23 марта, 02:07

This Is Why Repealing Obamacare Looks So Much Uglier Than Passing It Did

function onPlayerReadyVidible(e){'undefined'!=typeof HPTrack&&HPTrack.Vid.Vidible_track(e)}!function(e,i){if(e.vdb_Player){if('object'==typeof commercial_video){var a='',o='m.fwsitesection='+commercial_video.site_and_category;if(a+=o,commercial_video['package']){var c='&m.fwkeyvalues=sponsorship%3D'+commercial_video['package'];a+=c}e.setAttribute('vdb_params',a)}i(e.vdb_Player)}else{var t=arguments.callee;setTimeout(function(){t(e,i)},0)}}(document.getElementById('vidible_1'),onPlayerReadyVidible); Watching President Donald Trump on Tuesday, as he arrived at the Capitol and prepared to rally House Republicans around replacing the Affordable Care Act, it was hard not think about a similar occasion almost exactly seven years ago: Former President Barack Obama went to Capitol Hill in March 2010 to urge House Democrats to pass the very legislation Republicans are now trying to wipe away. But the differences are more striking than the similarities. They reveal a lot about which party is more serious about policymaking ― and which one actually cares about helping people get health care. And now the question is whether those differences will determine the fate of House Republicans’ American Health Care Act. Democrats Had Overcome Their Divisions By the time Obama made that visit in 2010, the House and Senate had already passed their versions of health care reform. The Senate did so with a 60-vote supermajority, in order to overcome a Republican filibuster. Nancy Pelosi, the California Democrat who was speaker of the House at the time, hadn’t quite sold her caucus on voting for the Senate’s less generous, less progressive version. But she was close. Democrats understood that moving forward had political peril. They had gotten a taste of electoral defeat that January, when a special election in Massachusetts put the late Democrat Edward Kennedy’s old seat in the hands of a Republican and set in motion the chain of events that led to that March vote on the House floor. But Democrats were also leading quite a large posse, including pretty much every organization that represented either the people who provide health care (like the American Medical Association and the American Hospital Association) or the people who most frequently consume it (like AARP and the American Heart Association).  It had taken time to build that coalition, just as it took time to craft the legislation ― and to work through all tradeoffs of politics and policy. (When Obama was thinking through the complications, he’d twist an invisible Rubik’s cube in the air, Vox noted recently.) Working within parameters the Congressional Budget Office had set, Democrats ended up with a plan that, by the CBO’s reckoning, would expand coverage and reduce the deficit ― just as they’d always promised. But perhaps most importantly, the Democratic Party, for all of its misgivings and internal ideological divisions, was largely united around its vision for reform. It had been since the beginning of the legislative effort. After more than a year of intense debate in Congress, the party was also resolute in its determination to finish the job ― to take a giant leap on a journey that had begun three-quarters of a century before, when Harry Truman launched the first formal effort at creating a national health insurance program. And the leap worked, in large part. The ACA, or Obamacare, slashed the national uninsured rate to a historic low by expanding health care coverage to 20 million people who didn’t have it before. Some people are paying more for coverage than they were before, and plenty are unhappy with their insurance. But access to care has improved and financial distress from medical bills has declined, according to multiple studies. At the same time, national health care spending growth slowed to an unprecedented rate. That may have been related to the ACA, but even if it wasn’t, it occurred during a time when an increasing number of Americans had health coverage and received medical care. Republicans Are Divided ― And Increasingly Isolated Trump and House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) may yet succeed in their effort to undo most of that. But they faces challenges that reflect upon their preparation, their seriousness and, ultimately, their priorities. Nearly all of the groups that supported the ACA oppose repealing it. And some of them, like hospitals and the AARP, are fighting hard to preserve the new guarantees of coverage ― even as conservative groups fight the measure because they think it doesn’t dial back the coverage expansion enough. Amid this torrent of criticism, support for the measure and the president championing is falling. Polls now generally indicate that voters want Republicans to slow down ― and that the ACA, seven years into its existence, is finally becoming popular. Most striking of all, the Republican Party is divided. One day before the planned House vote, factions within the party are still arguing over fundamental questions ― and if those divisions don’t stop the bill in the House, they are sure to cause major problems in the Senate. Sens. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Rand Paul (R-Ky.) can’t stand the idea of leaving any of the Obamacare edifice in place, while Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) are saying they won’t vote for anything with such significant coverage losses. That’s a massive ideological gap to close, dwarfing anything Democrats had within their ranks in 2009 and 2010. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) has indicated he wants to bring legislation from the House directly to the floor, and amend it there, next week. It looks an awful lot like an attempt to rush the process even more than the House did, perhaps in the hopes that McConnell can force his caucus into voting yes before anybody quite grasps the full implications of the proposed law.  Obama could defend the core of his plan because he understood it and quite obviously believed in it. Knowledge meant power and control. Ryan, among others, keeps suggesting that Trump will make it all happen. But Obama could successfully rally Democrats partly because he had been engaged on the issue, directly and substantively, throughout his presidency. In early 2010, when the bill was in its greatest political peril, Obama famously held forth on the plan details ― jousting with Republicans at a January 2010 party retreat in Baltimore and then in a February marathon bipartisan open meeting at Blair House, near the White House. In the late stages of a legislative fight, rallying votes is more about politics than policy ― and, for sure, the Obama administration made plenty of quiet deals to keep wavering Democrats in the fold. But Obama could defend the core of his plan because he understood it and quite obviously believed in it. Knowledge meant power and control. Trump has given no indication he has similarly strong feelings about the House bill ― or that he even understands it at more than a superficial level. He has said he wants the win, which is what he always wants. But the president repeatedly has made it clear that he’s not picky about what the win actually achieves, only that he wants it to somehow mean the end of Obamacare. Republican Policies Don’t Back Up Republican Promises In the absence of a deep substantive commitment to the details of the bill, the fallback rationale for passing it ― not just from the White House, but from other GOP leaders as well ― is that Republicans have to act because they promised to do so. And it’s true. That is what Republicans have been promising for seven years. But the GOP’s reverence for promises turns out to be curiously selective in this case, because Republicans also promised to “replace” the ACA. And they didn’t have just any old replacement in mind. Over the years, Republicans attacked Obamacare for sticking people with high deductibles and premiums they could not afford. They promised to deliver better coverage ― offering the same Obamacare goodies, like protection for people with pre-existing conditions, without the unpleasant stuff like the individual mandate. Trump was the most audacious of all, repeatedly saying thinks like “everybody’s got to be covered” and, during the transition, assuring a Washington Post interviewer that he wanted “insurance for everybody.” Polling and interviews have made it clear that many people, including a lot of Trump voters, took the promise seriously. If they didn’t truly expect everybody to be covered, they at least expected everybody’s coverage to be better. This is not a promise he or the Republicans are going to keep.  If there were any lingering doubt about that, it vanished a week ago when the CBO issued its official analysis, predicting 14 million newly uninsured Americans within a year and 24 million within a decade. Republicans have told critics, and perhaps they have told themselves, that the estimate is wrong. But as Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) pointed out at the time, even if the projection is off by a factor of two, that would still mean 12 million people losing coverage. Republicans insist that their plan would reduce premiums, citing the same CBO report they disparage. The part of the story Republicans don’t tell is why the CBO thinks premiums would go down. It would predominantly be because older and sicker people drop increasingly pricey coverage, and because the market would gravitate toward less generous plans ― in other words, plans with even higher deductibles than the ones Republicans have been criticizing all these years. Were the Republican plan to become law, deductibles for the typical plan would rise by 60 percent to $4,100, according to a Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation analysis that appeared in Axios.  If the bill ends up gutting insurance regulations more, as conservative members have urged House leadership to do, it would mean still lower premiums but still higher out-of-pocket costs, along with gaps in coverage for services like mental health and maternity care. There is, of course, one policy promise that Republicans take seriously, and its centrality to the repeal crusade becomes increasingly apparent as the debate goes on: the vow to roll back Obamacare’s taxes, particularly new payroll tax “surcharges” that fall exclusively on the wealthy. This is a straight-up, one-to-one transfer of money from low- and middle-class people (who lose health insurance) to the wealthy (who get a tax cut). Another new analysis, which the Urban Institute published Wednesday, looked at all the changes in federal revenue and spending ― the lower taxes on wealthy Americans, the loss of Medicaid and financial assistance for the poor and middle class. It found that households with incomes below 200 percent of the poverty line (about $49,000 per year for a family of four) would see net losses of income, while households with incomes above 300 percent of the poverty line (about $73,000 for a family of four) would see net gains. And families with incomes of six times the poverty line, or about $146,000 a year for a family of four, would see the greatest gains of all.  It is an almost perfect inversion of Obamacare, not that anybody should be surprised. Republicans spent seven years attacking the health care law and pretending they had a better way to protect the poor and the sick, even as they called for policy changes that would expose both groups to crippling medical costs. Writing legislation has revealed that contradiction once and for all. Republicans still have the votes to pass repeal. But if they do, they will be delivering something very different than they promised. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

22 марта, 23:19

Rubio ducks questions about supporting House Obamacare repeal

MIAMI — Florida Sen. Marco Rubio won’t say how he’ll vote on the House’s Obamacare repeal because, he says, “it’s still a work in progress” in the U.S. House where there’s lots of “drama.”Rubio’s reticence to talk specifics stands in stark contrast to fellow Republican senators Rand Paul and Ted Cruz — who also ran for president against Donald Trump but have both panned the bill as written in the House. Rubio’s fellow Florida Sen. Bill Nelson, a Democrat, has said he’s a no.Like Rubio, Florida Gov. Rick Scott refuses to give his opinion about the bill, which repeals Obamacare but could leave millions more in Florida and nationwide without health insurance than under current law. Unlike Scott, Rubio said he’ll say more if or when the measure passes Thursday in the House, which is no guarantee.“There’s nothing before us,” Rubio told POLITICO Wednesday. The senator hasn’t just avoided specifics with the press. He has avoided critics and raucous town halls, where constituents and activists have demanded that other GOP lawmakers keep Obamacare. Meanwhile, Cruz said he flew down to Rubio’s home state and met with Trump at his Mar-a-Lago estate — about an hour’s drive from Rubio’s West Miami home — to recommend changes to the legislation. Trump, meanwhile, has lobbied members of the House to pass the legislation, dubbed "Trumpcare."When asked why he’s relatively silent while Cruz and Paul are vocal, Rubio said that his colleagues are “making a different decision about approaching the House bill. [The House is] working on it, when they send it over to us our work will begin.”Rubio said he’d be more likely to vote for a bill that resembled a proposal he advanced when he ran for president. That plan called for reduced insurance regulations, conservative reforms to Medicaid and Medicare, and big tax credits for those who buy insurance not provided by an employer. When he was Florida House Speaker, Rubio pushed through a health reform plan that was a flop. Florida had one of the highest rates of the uninsured in the nation and that rate only began to notably tick down after Obamacare was passed and required people to buy insurance.Rubio, a staunch Obamacare opponent, said he wanted to repeal it in the right way.“I don’t want to replace Obamacare with a Republican version of Obamacare,” Rubio told the conservative Shark Tank blog earlier Wednesday. “The fundamental question for me is not just does it repeal Obamacare, but does it make things better than Obamacare?” Rubio also said. “It’s not enough to repeal it — repeal it is obviously important and I support repealing Obamacare — but also when you talk about replacing it, we want to have something that is better than Obamacare, not something that has unintended consequences in the other direction.”In another Wednesday interview, with WOKV News Radio in Jacksonville, Rubio reiterated his proposal for tax credits to help people buy health insurance and, like Gov. Scott and other Republican lawmakers, he said Florida should not be punished for refusing to expand Medicaid under Obamacare.“How does this treat Florida on Medicaid?” Rubio asked rhetorically. “Does it treat us fairly compared to all these other states who expanded Medicaid and now are going to get extra money because they did that, and that’s not fair to Florida who I believe did the fiscally right thing.”But when asked if he’d vote yes or no on the House bill, Rubio wouldn’t say.“I’m not going to comment on the House bill ‘cause it’s still a work in progress,” Rubio told the station. “By the time I give you a statement now, that bill could change in the next 12 hours and then I'm on record as supporting something that changed … I have to wait and see what the House produces because they’ve got their own drama going on over there.”

22 марта, 19:12

LIFE SUPPORT: AFP Key Voting Against GOP Healthcare Plan. Today Americans for Prosperity, the nat…

LIFE SUPPORT: AFP Key Voting Against GOP Healthcare Plan. Today Americans for Prosperity, the nation’s largest and most aggressive advocate for healthcare freedom, reaffirmed the organization’s deep concerns with core elements of the GOP healthcare bill. The group said that as currently written, it was unable to support the legislation, and would key vote against […]

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22 марта, 17:56

Rand Paul: I hope the GOP pulls back the health care bill today

Kentucky Senator Rand Paul said Wednesday he hopes the GOP will pull the American Health Care Act from consideration ahead of an expected vote on the bill's passage tomorrow. “My hope is they will pull the bill today sometime and that when they pull the bill, we’ll have a serious conversation with conservatives at the table,” he said during an appearance on Fox Business. “And we’ll come to an agreement. We want to come to an agreement, and that agreement is for complete repeal.”President Donald Trump and Speaker of the House Paul Ryan have been pushing the bill aggressively, as holdouts from moderate and conservative wings of the party threaten the bill’s passage. A vote on the bill is expected to occur Thursday. Paul blasted Ryan and the rest of the Republican leadership for proposing a bill which maintains some aspects of Obamacare. “That’s not what we ran on, that’s not what we voted for,” he said. “If there is a fault to be had, it’s in the leadership putting forward something that is not what we ran on.” The Kentucky senator said grassroots conservatives do not like the bill, which he called “Obamacare-lite.” “I think there is a little tone deafness up here, they’re not realizing,” he said. “I saw go home and listen to people on both sides of the equation. Nobody likes the bill.” Paul added there is no rush to pass the bill. “There’s not a rush to do it in one day,” he said. “I think we could have a week, a couple of weeks of discussion. The most important thing is conservatives should have a seat at the table.”

22 марта, 17:22

Conservatives claim votes to stop GOP Obamacare repeal

A Freedom Caucus spokeswoman says more than 25 members are opposed. It takes only 22 GOP lawmakers to block the bill.

22 марта, 12:11

House Obamacare repeal DOA in the Senate

Salvaging it will be the rescue mission of Mitch McConnell's career.

22 марта, 11:00

The Salesman in Chief Goes All In on Health Care

If there’s one thing the president relishes, it’s making life uncomfortable for anyone who thwarts his will.

22 марта, 06:04

Media Declares Rand Paul, Alex Jones, And Donald Trump To Be Russian Agents

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22 марта, 02:31

Don’t count on ‘third prong’ of GOP health overhaul

House Republicans hope to follow up Obamacare repeal with a batch of additional legislation. But those bills are likely to die in the Senate.

21 марта, 23:08

Trump's penchant for vengeance casts shadow on health care vote

Republican lawmakers thinking of bucking the White House on Obamacare know they'll face a president who loves exacting retribution.

21 марта, 21:21

Trump Escaped 'Wiretap' And Russia Questions In Local TV Interviews

When ABC News White House reporter Jonathan Karl got within earshot of President Donald Trump on Monday afternoon in the Oval Office, he asked if the president believed he was wrong to allege that his predecessor wiretapped him. Trump didn’t answer. The president’s bogus “wiretap” claim was surely on the mind of other Washington journalists Monday afternoon given that FBI Director James Comey dismissed it during a congressional hearing that morning. Comey also confirmed in that hearing that the FBI is investigating several Trump associates regarding Russia’s alleged attempt to influence the 2016 election. But when Trump did a couple interviews hours later with local newscasts prior to his rally in Louisville, Kentucky, those two stories consuming the capital didn’t come up. A representative for a Cincinnati station interviewing Trump says they chose to focus on local concerns, while a Louisville reporter who spoke to the president said those two issues were off limits.  “The White House made it clear the president would not answer questions about wiretapping or the investigation into Russia’s role in the election,” Lawrence Smith, a reporter at Louisville Fox affiliate WDRB in Louisville, said on air. “So we stuck to issues most directly important to Kentucky.”  Trump also didn’t get questions about wiretapping or Russia during an interview on Cincinnati affiliate Fox19 Now, though the station’s news director, Steve Hyvonen, says they weren’t prohibited from asking about them.  “Fox19 Now was never given parameters leading up to the interview,” he said in an email. “Had we been told what to ask or had we been required to submit our questions, we would not have done the interview. As the interview was being confirmed the day before, we told White House representatives we would like to talk with the President about several topics affecting Cincinnati and the Tri-State, including his new healthcare plan. We did not submit ― and were not asked to submit ― the topics or the questions.” A White House spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.   While Trump frequently attacks national news organizations as producers of “fake news,” his White House has expanded outreach to regional news outlets, including by bringing in local anchors to dine with the president and to the daily press briefing via Skype. By making Trump available to Louisville and Cincinnati reporters on Monday, the White House took advantage of the often differing priorities of the national and local press. Such a media strategy appears savvy given that the president avoided uncomfortable questions in Washington and appeared on newscasts in those two cities heaping praise on viewers and making promises to them.  Smith said Trump was “clearly anxious to get outside the Washington bubble and talk about Kentucky issues.” The president talked about putting miners back to work and bringing back automotive jobs ― and again suggested he kept Ford from leaving the state. He praised the state’s Republican Sen. Rand Paul, a critic of the Republicans’ plan to “replace” the Affordable Care Act, as a “good guy” and said he “love[d] the people of Kentucky.” During his interview on Cincinnati’s Fox19 Now, Trump similarly praised Paul as having the “right heart, the right spirit” and said the ACA, commonly referred to as Obamacare, has been “very bad for Kentucky.” He boasted that “jobs are coming back into the country” and the “stock market is through the roof.” And when anchor Tricia Macke asked Trump about a local bridge in need of repairs, the president said he’d fix it.  -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

21 марта, 19:35

'A Loss Is Not Acceptable, Folks'

President Trump warns House Republicans they could lose their majority in 2018 if they don’t pass the leadership’s health-care bill on Thursday.

21 марта, 12:15

Rand Paul's latest lonely fight incenses fellow senators

Rand Paul is at it again.It’s not enough for the Kentucky Republican to try to tank House Speaker Paul Ryan’s Obamacare repeal bill. He’s also driving his Senate colleagues crazy by holding up the one thing the Senate could do to quickly rebuke Russian President Vladimir Putin: pass a popular treaty ratifying Montenegro’s membership in NATO.The dispute exploded on the Senate floor this month as Paul blocked Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) from bringing up the treaty. McCain said Paul is “working for” Putin; Paul responded that McCain is “past his prime.” But the anger toward Paul goes much deeper than just McCain — nearly the entire Senate wants to pass the treaty immediately.“It’s a minority position, yeah,” Paul conceded with a smile.That’s an understatement.Senators and aides said the treaty could be passed easily if Paul would release his hold, sending a swift message to Russia that the United States isn’t stepping away from Eastern Europe, even with a NATO skeptic like Donald Trump as president. While Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) is demanding a roll-call vote rather than passing the treaty with a quick request to do so unanimously, Paul is far more implacable and doesn’t want it to move forward at all.“Montenegro doesn’t add a great deal to the national security of the United States,” Paul said in an interview. “For people who want Montenegro [in NATO], many of them want Ukraine and Georgia in there. And I think if you do that you have to be prepared to go to war with Russia.”Due to Senate rules, Paul can single-handedly force the chamber to spend days on the measure, an impossible feat in the short term since Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) is prioritizing a Supreme Court nominee and Obamacare repeal this spring.That leaves the treaty stalled indefinitely and his colleagues steamed.“He knows the vote will be 99-1,” said one angry Republican senator who requested anonymity to speak candidly about his colleague. “He could hold the floor for days. I just think it’s typical.”“It’s not a stunt. I disagree with him. But these are things he really believes,” said Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), who champions a more interventionist foreign policy.Notably, McCain’s charge that Paul is a Putin lapdog could have been a violation of Senate rules — but only if raised by another senator. No one came to his defense last week.But Paul is unmoved, and said his message is in line with Trump’s: Adding another country to “overextended” NATO is unproductive when other countries aren’t meeting their defense spending obligations. Trump hasn’t commented publicly on the issue, but his administration may be lining up against Paul.Secretary of Defense James Mattis and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson fully support Montenegro’s accession into NATO. Sources said Vice President Mike Pence is also close to issuing a recommendation. Ousted national security adviser Michael Flynn was close to backing Montenegro’s entrance into NATO before he resigned.An administration official said no final decision has been made. However, a Senate source said some White House officials have indicated support for Paul’s move to block NATO expansion because it is in line with Trump’s campaign platform.“It was very useful what Sen. McCain did,” said Montenegrin Foreign Minister Srdjan Darmanović, who is in Washington meeting with Senate Foreign Relations Committee members and administration officials. “Sen. McCain exposed Sen. Paul being a very stubborn obstacle in the ratification.”For Paul, it’s just one more example of him against the world. And these days it’s hard to keep track of his simultaneous fights.Republicans close to GOP leaders in both chambers are highly annoyed at Paul’s high-profile quest to sink Ryan’s health care bill, which Paul calls “Obamacare-lite” every chance he gets. And while Democrats are entertained by his criticism of the Obamacare repeal efforts, they’re less enthused with his position on NATO.Senate Foreign Relations Chairman Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) is also frustrated over the treaty’s delay, sources said, but is trying to work with Paul and declining to call out the senator publicly. Paul has also been blocking several international tax treaties with other countries favored by his colleagues for years.Although some lawmakers are pushing for new Russian sanctions legislation, Montenegro’s accession to NATO is more doable in the near term. But McConnell, Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Paul have been unable to come to a deal — and the Montenegro treaty could easily slip into the summer if Paul holds firm given the crowded calendar.“It’s unfortunate. We’d like to see it done now,” said Sen. Ben Cardin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. “This is a Republican fight, but we have the overwhelming majority of Republicans that are supporting it.”Meanwhile, Montenegro’s future is hanging in the balance as Russia asserts increasing influence in the small Balkan nation. Montenegro has spent more than seven years applying for NATO membership and the vast majority of NATO countries have approved the country’s acceptance into the alliance. The United States is one of the few left to endorse it.NATO accession remains a highly controversial issue inside Montenegro. An opinion poll conducted in December 2016 has only 39.5 percent of Montenegrins in favor of NATO membership and 39.7 against. Russia has taken advantage of this division by bankrolling Montenegro’s Democratic Front, a stridently anti-NATO party that won 20 percent of the vote in parliamentary elections.For Montenegro, time is of the essence. The longer the country remains out of NATO’s protective orbit, the more opportunities Putin has to meddle in the country’s internal affairs. The delay also hurts the stature of NATO and the United States, senators said.“You tell them: ‘Go through these steps you’re going to be able to become part of our alliance.’ And they do and then you can’t [add them], it undermines the credibility of the alliance,” Rubio said. “That’s why I think you have 98 people that feel strong about it.”Cardin said Paul wants a vote on one of his isolationist-leaning priorities in return for moving forward. The Kentucky Republican is a master of using the Senate floor for leverage, holding up popular items until he receives votes on priorities like slashing spending on foreign aid or obtaining information from government officials. But he said that’s not the case this time.“I don’t know that we necessarily need [to send] a provocative message to Russia on Montenegro,” Paul said. “I’m holding it because of the issue. I’m not in favor of expanding NATO beyond what we have.”

21 марта, 05:36

Trump sounds done with health care before he’s really started

LOUISVILLE, Ky. — On the precipice of the meatiest legislative fight of his young presidency, Donald Trump is increasingly talking about health care like the vegetables of his agenda — the thing he must begrudgingly finish in order to get to what he really wants: tax cuts, trade deals and infrastructure. At a rally here in Louisville, Trump time and again framed the passage of a repeal and replacement plan for President Barack Obama’s namesake health care law as a necessary step to achieve the rest of his ambitious agenda. “We want a very big tax cut,” Trump said, “but we cannot do that until we keep our promise to repeal and replace the disaster known as Obamacare.” The first big test for health care comes Thursday, when the House has scheduled a floor vote. But on Monday, at a rally in the state of a senator, Rand Paul, who has been an outspoken skeptic of his health care proposal, Trump barely touched on the health care bill for the first 30 minutes of his speech. And when he did, he suggested it was the province of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who was in the crowd. “Mitch — hey, Mitch — are we going to be OK?” he said. “Good, thanks Mitch.” Trump was on the ground in Kentucky for almost two hours, but it was enough to boost his spirits after a day of swirling headlines in the nation’s capital about Russia, FBI investigations and his unfounded allegations of Obama-ordered wire-tapping. Fresh polls showed new lows for his approval rating, but inside the Louisville arena where attendees did the wave, Trump’s favorability was somewhere near 100 percent. “We’re in the heartland of America, and there is no place I would rather be than here with you tonight,” Trump said. He talked about trade (“Oh, I’m looking forward to these trade deals”). He talked about manufacturing and jobs (“You see them coming back”). He talked about cutting taxes (“Truly one of my favorite things”). He talked about North Korea (“What’s happening there is disgraceful and not smart, not smart at all”). Eventually, he got to health care. Trump’s seeming disinterest in some ways mirrors that of his chief strategist, Steve Bannon, who has been more impassioned about the same nationalistic agenda that Trump has sounded most excited about: trade, taxes, manufacturing and an “America First” foreign policy. On Monday, Trump brought two members of the Kentucky congressional delegation on Air Force One with him, Reps. Andy Barr and James Comer, and proclaimed them both "yes" votes at his rally. He also gave a veiled shout-out to Paul, who has lampooned the Trump-backed health care bill as “Obamacare lite” and urged his House counterparts to block the legislation. “I happen to like, a lot, Sen. Rand Paul. I do. I do. I like him. Good. He’s a good guy. And I look forward to working with him so that we can get this bill passed in some form,” Trump said of health care. “So that we can pass massive tax reform, which we can’t do until this happens.” “So we gotta get this done before we can do the other,” Trump went on. “In other words, we have to know what this is before we can do the big tax cuts. We got to get it done for a lot of reasons, but that’s one of them.” The House vote still hangs in the balance amid a flurry of changes on Monday night, and on Tuesday, the president will make the trek to Capitol Hill to rally House Republicans to the cause. But Trump acknowledged that Thursday’s vote is just the start of a long process that he sounded ready to be done with. “Remember,” he said in a bit of a sing-song voice, “we’re gonna negotiate and it’s gonna go to the Senate, and back and forth, the end result is going to be wonderful and it’s going to work great.” The rally was not the first time Trump signaled his disinterest in health care compared with tax cuts or cutting trade deals. Last week in Nashville, Trump said, “I want to cut the hell out of taxes, but before I can do that — I would have loved to have put it first, to be honest.” But it is health care that is next on the docket as the White House scrambles to ensure it is not a train wreck that could derail the rest of Trump’s plans. “Thursday is our chance to end Obamacare and the Obamacare catastrophe and begin delivering the reforms our people deserve,” Trump said Monday night. “Big thing.”“Then we get the tax cuts.”

21 марта, 04:44

Remarks by President Trump at Make America Great Again Rally | Louisville, KY

Kentucky Exposition Center Louisville, Kentucky 7:40 P.M. EDT THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you, everybody.  I am thrilled to be here in the great state of Kentucky and the beautiful city of Louisville!  (Applause.)  And this place is packed.  (Applause.)  There are a lot of people outside that aren’t getting in, but that's all right.  We love them, too, right?  We love them, too.  (Applause.)   We're in the heartland of America, and there is no place I would rather be than here with you, tonight.  (Applause.)  Our first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, was born right here in Kentucky.  (Applause.)  That's not bad.  The legendary pioneer, Daniel Boone, helped settle the Kentucky frontier.  (Applause.)  And the great 19th century American statesman, Henry Clay, represented Kentucky in the United States Congress.  (Applause.)  Henry Clay believed in what he called the American system, and proposed tariffs to protect American industry and finance American infrastructure.   I'm honored to be here today with many of your tremendous modern-day leaders.  We're joined tonight -- and I want you to give him a nice hand, because he's on our side -- got to take care of our people, right?  (Applause.)  And he's got a lot of power for the people of Kentucky.  Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell -- where is he?  (Applause.)  Come here, Mitch.  Thank you, Mitch.  How you doing, Mitch?  Hey, Mitch, are we going to be okay?  Everything good?  That healthcare is looking good?  Good.  Thanks, Mitch.   And we're also very lucky to have in my Cabinet our Secretary of Transportation, the wonderful Elaine Chao.  (Applause.)  Working with Secretary Chao, we're going to rebuild the crumbling infrastructure of the United States.  It's time, right?  It's time.  (Applause.)  It is time.  After spending trillions and trillions of dollars overseas, it is indeed time.  We are going to start taking care of our country.  (Applause.)   Also with us this evening is your great Governor, Matt Bevin.  (Applause.)  Where’s Matt?  Matt.  Thanks, Matt.  Congressman Andy Barr.  (Applause.)  And Congressman Jamie [James] Comer.  (Applause.)  The state motto of Kentucky is:  United we stand, divided we fall.  We are united.  (Applause.)   Somebody from the fake media the other day asked me a question.   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  They said, how are the Republicans going to finally get together?  I said, wait a minute, we won the presidency, we won the House, we won the Senate.  (Applause.)  I mean, what?  (Applause.)  Actually, he was a nice guy that asked the question, but I was sort of thinking, that was an interesting question.  Because we’ve just about never been on a streak like this.  I think 1928?  That’s a long time ago.  And we’re going to get a lot of things done.  And then we’re going to get to truly one of my favorite things:  It’s called reducing taxes.  (Applause.)   Standing together as Americans, we are going to deliver amazing things for the citizens of Kentucky and the United States.  Most importantly, we are going to take power back from the political class in Washington, and return that power to you, the American people.  It’s happening.  It’s happening.  It’s happening.  (Applause.)  It started on November 8th.  Remember that beautiful, beautiful day?  That beautiful day.  We’re going to give it back.  (Applause.)  That was a beautiful day. They weren’t giving us a lot of chance, were they?  Remember?  “There is no path to 270.”  (Applause.)  Remember the line?  And you know, for the Republicans, the Electoral College was very, very hard, very hard to win.  Do you remember the famous line, “There is no path to 270.”  Well, there was a path to 306, but maybe not to 270.  (Applause.)   But we’ve got a lot of work to do.  The fact is, we inherited a mess.  It’s a mess.  I met with the Prime Minister today of Iraq.  I met with others -- the Middle East, North Korea.   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  North Korea.  I’ll tell you what, what’s happening there is disgraceful and not smart, not smart at all.  So many different problems.  And I’ll tell you, you see what’s happening with the economy.  We’ve picked up $3 trillion in value, and our companies are bringing people back to work.  (Applause.)   We have to take on every special interest that has profited from the -- and I don’t mean, like, a little bit; I mean really terrible trade deals.  Horrible trade deals.  Last year, our country lost almost $800 billion in trade.  Not going to happen anymore, folks.  It's not going to happen anymore.  (Applause.)   Uncontrolled immigration -- you see what’s going on there; that’s happening quickly.  Little problem with the courts not wanting to give us the decisions that should be given -- but we’re going to win it -- and a financial system stacked against the American people. These entrenched interests will do anything they can to keep the broken system in place, but they will fail, and we will win.  Because we are fighting on the side of our great American heritage.  (Applause.)  This place is packed.  (Applause.)  I mean, I don’t want to say this -- we could have been watching a good basketball game tonight, right?  What happened?  What happened?  That’s all right.  You’ve done a good job, right?  You've a good job.  Great team, great coach.  It’s all right.   We are going to drain the swamp of government corruption in Washington, D.C., and we are going to keep our promises -- all of the promises that we made.  We are going to massively reduce your taxes.  (Applause.)  We are going to reduce very substantially rising crime, and support the incredible men and women of law enforcement.  (Applause.)   We’re going to bring accountability to the VA and take great care, finally, finally, finally, of our great veterans.  (Applause.)  Our Secretary -- you wouldn’t believe it, because I still don’t have my Cabinet.  They won’t approve my Cabinet.   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  There is a lot of division and a lot of bad stuff going on in this country.  But I’ll tell you, David, we love David -- David got approved 100 to nothing.  Can you believe it?  Head of the VA, Secretary of the VA.  (Applause.)  And you watch what happens with the veterans.  It’s time -- it’s time we take care of our veterans.  (Applause.)   We are going to rebuild the United States military, finally.  (Applause.)  I proposed a budget that calls for one of the largest increases in defense spending history, and we need it.  We need it.  Got a lot of bad actors out there, folks, right?  That’s time, also. And it’s also jobs, because we’re going to make this equipment right here in the USA.  (Applause.)  And we believe in three crucial words:  Peace through strength.  (Applause.)  There’s our great lieutenant governor, by the way.  Please -- thank you, darling.  Thank you.  (Applause.)   But we will spend our money wisely.  With just one negotiation on one set of airplanes, I saved the taxpayers of our country over $700 million.  (Applause.)  And that’s just one of many.  We’ve also kept our promise to appoint a Supreme Court justice who will uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States.  (Applause.)  Judge Neil Gorsuch’s hearing is now underway in the Senate, and I urge members of both parties to swiftly approve his nomination.  He is an outstanding man from an outstanding family, with an unbelievably wonderful wife.  They should approve. There’s another promise that is deeply important to me and I know it is deeply important to you:  We are going to put our coal miners back to work.  (Applause.)  They have not been treated well, but they're going to be treated well now.  Clean coal, right?  Clean coal.   I have already eliminated a devastating anti-coal regulation, and that is just the beginning.  You saw that.  We got a lot of thank-yous from a lot of great people that work very hard and want to keep working.  A lot of people are going to be put back to work.  A lot of coal miners are going back to work.  As we speak, we are preparing new executive actions to save our coal industry and to save our wonderful coal miners from continuing to be put out of work.  The miners are coming back.  (Applause.)  Our new EPA Administrator, Scott Pruitt, a Kentucky native, will turn the EPA -- environmental -- will turn the EPA from a job-killer into a job-creator.  You watch.  (Applause.)   Since my inauguration, we've already added nearly half a million new jobs.  And that's, believe me, just the beginning.  Just the beginning.  (Applause.)  And I don’t know -- have you seen the consumer confidence levels, Matt?  They're through the roof.  I don’t even know, I think you're doing as well in Kentucky, but I know you don’t like Obamacare -- I know.  (Laughter.)  Great guy.   We're working to remove regulations on our auto industry so we can make more cars right here in America, including more cars in Kentucky.  (Applause.)  We've wiped out many, many unnecessary regulations, and that's just the beginning.  It's continuing on a weekly basis.  We're getting rid of unnecessary regulations.  We're going to be good for business.  And we're going to be good for the workers of America.  (Applause.)   We've also cleared the way for the Keystone and the Dakota Access pipelines.  (Applause.)  And as I was signing it, I said, where are they getting the steel?  Where?  And I said, you know what, if people want to build pipelines in the United States, they should use American steel, and they should build it and create it right here.  That pipe is going to be manufactured right here.  That was like, last minute -- I'm saying, where are they buying this stuff? Like Henry Clay, we want to put our own people to work.  We believe in two simple rules:  Buy American and Hire American.  (Applause.)  So as you folks all know, Henry Clay was the legendary Kentucky politician who became the eighth Speaker of the House in 1811.  You know, they compared my campaign to Jackson -- President Jackson, right -- 1828.  I said, can you imagine having to go back that far?  And they said, this was even more severe.  But we did a good job.  Did we do a great job together?  (Applause.)  1828, that's a long time ago.  Oh, boy.  And he was a good President, right?  He was a good President.   Clay was a fierce advocate for American manufacturing.  He wanted it badly.  He said, very strongly:  Free trade, which would throw wide open our ports to foreign production without duties, while theirs remains closed to us.  That was his quote.  He knew, all the way back, early 1800s.  Clay said that trade must be fair, equal, and reciprocal.  Boom.  He said, fair, equal, and reciprocal.  I'm talking about reciprocal trade.  Reciprocal.  (Applause.)   I mentioned that the other day to a group in my office.  We're going to be doing some trade deals as soon as we get the healthcare finished.  Oh, I'm looking forward to these trade deals.  They're the ones -- ooh.  There's going to be no ambiguity.  But I used the word "reciprocal."  You know, Harley Davidson makes great motorcycles.  They were in my office.  They were in my office.  And they came in -- I said, how you doing?  "Great."  How's business?  "Great."  How do you overseas?  "Well, it's tough.  We have some countries that charge us a $100 [sic] import tax."  I said, 100?  100 percent.  Think of it.  They want $100 [sic] -- 100 percent.  So I said, how do you do?  "Not so well.  It's tough."   They have other countries -- they charge a lot.  We want reciprocal.  So if they're going to charge us 100 percent, we're going to charge them 100 percent.  And you know what's going to happen?  They're going to bring their 100 percent down to nothing, like we charge.  We can't allow that to happen.  (Applause.)  We can't allow that to happen.   In explaining his American system, Clay argued that the sole object of the tariff is to tax the produce and -- remember, to tax the produce of foreign industry with the view of promoting American industry.  For too long, our government has abandoned the American system.  Since NAFTA was approved in 1994 -- the worst trade deal ever made by any country I think in the world -- America has lost nearly one-third of its manufacturing jobs.  Do not worry, we are starting on NAFTA very soon.  You know, I've only been there for, what, 52 days, right?  (Applause.)  Somebody said to me, when are you starting on NAFTA?  I said, wait a minute, I did this, this, this.  I knocked out unbelievable numbers of regulations.  We're negotiating much better deals -- these terrible deals that were made.  I've been here like 51 days.  Give me a chance.  Oh, I look forward. We're doing -- we're going to do something with NAFTA that you are going to be very, very impressed with.  That's going to be an easy one, folks.  That's going to be an easy one. Since China joined -- and it's another beauty -- the World Trade Organization in 2001, the United States has lost many more than 60,000 factories.  We sacrificed our own middle class to finance the growth of foreign countries.  But those days, ladies and gentlemen of Kentucky, are over.  Is that okay?  (Applause.)  Those days are over.  It's crazy.  You know what that is?  Much more than 60,000 factories.  You know what that is?  It's like -- I said, if you have a map, how do you put that many dots on the map, right?  More than 60,000 factories.  But they're all coming back.  You see them coming back.  You see car companies who were going to build elsewhere, and now they're saying that because of Trump we're going to build in Michigan, we're going to build in Ohio, we're going to build in Kentucky.  (Applause.)  They're saying it loud and clear. Because from now on, it's going to be America first.  America first.  (Applause.)  We will be, I promise you, a rich nation once again.  (Applause.)  And we will do what we have to do, and we will not allow other countries to take advantage of us like they've been doing to a level that's hard to believe.  Hard to believe.  Not going to happen.  Not going to happen anymore, Kentucky, remember that -- okay?  You just worry about your basketball team.  I'll take care of the rest.  (Laughter and applause.) But to be a rich nation, we must also be a safe nation.  That is why I am following through on my promise to secure, protect, and defend the borders of the United States.  (Applause.)  We will build -- that’s right -- a great, great border wall.  (Applause.)  And you know, it’s already out to bid.  You’ve probably been reading, tremendous numbers of bidders.  What does that mean when you have a lot of bidders?  It means we’re going to get it for the right prices, okay?  Believe me.   And we will stop the drugs that are pouring into our country and poisoning our youth and plenty of others.  We’re going to stop the drugs.  (Applause.)  A lot of them are coming in from the southern border.   Since the day of my election, we’ve already cut illegal immigration at the southern border by 61 percent.  (Applause.)  Sixty-one percent that we haven’t started.  And the courts are not making it easy, folks.  They’re not making it easy. AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  Terrible.  Sixty-one percent.  During the campaign, as I’ve traveled all across this great country, I met with many American families whose loved ones -- sons and daughters, husbands and wives -- were viciously killed by illegal immigrants.  Incredible.  Incredible.  These amazing American lives were stolen because our government refused to enforce our already-existing laws.  These American victims and their families were ignored by the media.  The media doesn’t want to talk about it.   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  They don’t want to talk about it.  They were ignored by the consultants.  They were ignored by Washington.  But these Americans were not ignored by me, they were not ignored by you.  You showed that on November 8th.  They were not ignored by you, and they will never be ignored by any of us.  (Applause.)   As we speak tonight, we are finding that drug dealers, robbers, thieves, gang members, predators, killers and criminals of all types preying on our citizens -- you’ve been seeing it; you’ve been reading about it, and you’ve been seeing it -- one by one, they are being tracked down and thrown the hell out of our country, and we will not let them back in.  (Applause.)   We are also working to protect our citizens from terrorism.  (Applause.)  We have seen the devastation at home, from 9/11 to Boston to San Bernardino, and many, many other places.  We’ve seen attacks overseas in France, in Germany, in Belgium.  It’s time for intelligence and common sense to be used.  (Applause.)   The single best way to protect -- and you have to do this, you have to do this -- and to keep foreign terrorists from attacking our country is to keep these foreign terrorists from entering our country in the first place.  (Applause.)  And we will stop radical Islamic terrorism.  We will stop it.  Not going to let it happen.  Not here.  Not going to let it happen. Finally, we want a very big tax cut, but cannot do that until we keep our promise to repeal and replace the disaster known as Obamacare.  (Applause.)  And we’re going to be working very closely with our leader, Mitch McConnell, to get that job done.  Paul Ryan, everybody, they’re going to be working very hard.  And Congressman Andy Barr, Jamie Comer -- I have to thank them for their help and their support as we move toward the crucial House vote on Thursday, the seventh anniversary of Obamacare’s very painful passage.   This is our long-awaited chance to finally get rid of Obamacare.  (Applause.)  It’s a long-awaited chance.  We’re going to do it.  We’re going to do it.  What’s the alternative?  The alternative is what you have -- what you have is nothing.  The worst.  It’s the big lie.   And remember this -- so true -- I happen to like a lot Senator Rand Paul.  I do.  (Applause.)  I do, I like him.  He’s good.  He’s a good guy.  And I look forward to working with him so we can get this bill passed in some form so that we can pass massive tax reform, which we can’t do until this happens.  So we’ve got to get this done before we can do the other.  In other words, we have to know what this is before we can do the big tax cuts.  We’ve got to get it done for a lot of reasons, but that’s one of them.  (Applause.)   And it’s important to realize how we got to Obamacare in the first place.  Back in 2009 or 2010, House and Senate Democrats forced through a 2,700-page healthcare bill that no one read and no one understood.  By the way, today it’s thousands of pages more.  It’s not even understandable.  They ignored the public, they ignored the voters, and they jammed a massive failed healthcare takeover right through Congress. AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  And this is what we have.  It’s time for Democrat leaders in Washington to take responsibility for the disaster they and they alone created.  (Applause.)  Remember when President Obama said, if you like your plan you can keep your plan; if you like your doctor, you can keep your doctor?   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  Nobody brings that stuff up, do they?  Do they ever bring it up?  Matt, I don’t think so, right?  They don’t bring it up.  Notice how they forget all those things.  Or when the architect of Obamacare said the law was passed because of the stupidity of the American voter.  Or Bill Clinton on the campaign trail -- oh, he must have had a tough night when he went home that night -- (applause) -- called Obamacare the “craziest thing in the world” where people wind up with their premiums doubled and their coverage cut in half.  Bill Clinton said that -- the “craziest thing in the world.”  Or the Democratic governor of Minnesota who said, “The Affordable Care Act is no longer affordable.”   It’s been one broken promise after another.  People have been kicked off their plans and their premiums have increased by double and triple digits.  Arizona up 116 percent.  By the way, insurance companies in a great state known as Kentucky -- have you ever heard of it -- (applause) -- are in tremendous trouble, will be fleeing -- and we’re going to save it all.  We’re going to save it all.  Tremendous trouble; it’s a disaster.  (Applause.)   In fact, to counter my speech two weeks ago in Congress -- I don’t know, did anybody see that speech?  (Applause.)  They used the former governor of Kentucky -- and the plan doesn’t work in Kentucky.  But Matt will save us.   Many of our best and brightest are leaving the medical profession entirely because of Obamacare.  Obamacare has been a complete and total catastrophe, and it’s getting worse and worse by the day.  And yet you watch the fake media, the fake news and they try to build it up.  It’s a disaster, fellas.  It’s a disaster.   AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  Wouldn’t it be great if they told the truth about Obamacare?  It would be so wonderful to the people of this country, because it would just sail right through.  Our plan would sail right through.  One-third of the counties in the United States now have only one Obamacare insurer left; some have none.  And in your state it’s worse.  In a recent interview, your governor, Matt Bevin -- who’s right here, so I better be careful -- said that “Obamacare was a disaster in Kentucky.”  Is that right?  I’m quoting that so accurately.  And it is.  It’s been an absolute disaster. Half of our counties only have a single provider right now.  It’s a financial disaster waiting to happen right here in your own state.  Thursday is our chance to end Obamacare and the Obamacare catastrophe and begin delivering the reforms our people deserve.  (Applause.)  Big thing.  Then we get to tax cuts.  Big thing.   And remember, we’re going to negotiate, and it’s going to go to the Senate and back and forth.  The end result is going to be wonderful and it’s going to work great.  Once this is done, we are also going to work on bringing down the cost of medicine by having a fair and competitive bidding process.  (Applause.)  Some people think that’s just as important as healthcare.   The cost of medicine in this country is outrageous.  Many times higher than in some countries in Europe and elsewhere.  Why?  Same pill, same manufacturer, identical, and it’s many times higher in the United States.  You know why?  Campaign contributions, who knows.  But somebody is getting very rich. We’re going to bring it down.  We’re going to have a great competitive bidding process.  Medicine prices will be coming way down, way, way, way down, and that’s going to happen fast.  (Applause.)  We’re just adding to the bill.  I said, we’ve got to add that to the bill.  We’re going to do a bill later.  We’re trying to add it to this bill, and if we can’t, we’re going to have it right after.   We have some crazy, arcane laws, folks, just in case you haven’t heard.  I am confident that if we empower the American people, we will accomplish incredible things for our country, not just on healthcare but all across our government.  And, by the way, that Second Amendment is very, very safe right now.  (Applause.)  I promised.  I said we're going to save the Second Amendment.  I promise you we are going to save the Second Amendment.  It's very, very safe.  We would not be in good shape if a certain other person won this election, I could tell you.  You would not be happy.  And if they came to make a speech, 250 people would have showed up.   A new spirit of optimism is sweeping across our land, and a new national pride is swelling our hearts and steering our souls.  So true.  Just imagine what we can accomplish if we stand together as a united American people.  Our economy will be unleashed, and millions will be lifted from welfare to work.  Got to work.  (Applause.)  They're going to love it.  They're going to love it.  From welfare to work. Our children will grow up in safe communities, and they will be educated in schools that teach them to love our country and its values.  (Applause.)  Our inner cities will find a rebirth of hope, safety, and opportunity.  And, you know, your San Francisco quarterback -- I'm sure nobody ever heard of him --  AUDIENCE:  Booo -- THE PRESIDENT:  I'm just reporting the news.  There was an article today -- I love to report the news, and then they said I made a mistake, right?  I said, no, the people reporting the news made a mistake, if it's wrong.  But there was an article today, it was reported, that NFL owners don’t want to pick them up because they don’t want to get a nasty tweet from Donald Trump.  Can you believe that?  (Applause.)  I just saw that.  I just saw that.  I said, if I remember that one, I'm going to report it to the people of Kentucky, because they like it when people actually stand for the American flag, right?  (Applause.)   Our struggling industries are going to be revitalized, and our dying factories will come roaring back to life.  It's already happening.  And in our dealings with other nations, we will find a new era of security, cooperation, and peace.  And we won't be played for the fool, and we won't be played for the suckers any longer.  (Applause.)   This is the future that awaits us if we embrace our destiny as Americans, which we did.  This one of the greatest things, one of the biggest events ever to happen in our country.  And we're going to make it even better than anybody ever thought possible.  That's happening already.  (Applause.)   We are one people, and we share one faith.  Whether we are black or brown or white, we all bleed the same red blood.  (Applause.)  We all salute the same great American flag.  (Applause.)  And we are all made by the same almighty God.  (Applause.)  As long we remember these truths, we will not fail.  Nobody -- nobody -- can beat us.  Nobody.  We are Americans, and the future belongs to us.  The future belongs to you.  This is your moment.  This is your time.  And this, the United States of America, is your country again.  (Applause.)   AUDIENCE:  U-S-A!  U-S-A!  U-S-A! THE PRESIDENT:  So with hope in our souls, and patriotism in our hearts, let us now recite these words.  Are you ready?  Together, we will make America strong again.  We will make America wealthy again.  We will make America proud again.  We will make safe again.  And we will make America great again.   Thank you.  Thank you, Kentucky.  God bless you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)   END 8:23 P.M. EDT

20 марта, 20:43

FBI’s Trump-Russia probe knocks White House on its heels

Trump’s team scrambles to contain fallout as Comey confirms investigation and debunks wiretapping claim.

20 марта, 20:19

Live updates: Trump wants Friday vote on repeal

House leaders are now telling members to expect Friday votes.

11 апреля 2015, 20:18

В президентскую гонку вступил кандидат, готовый покончить с гегемонией США

Сенатор Рэнд Пол официально объявил о своем выдвижении в президенты США вторым среди республиканцев. Сейчас невозможно предсказать ни исход выборов 2016 года, ни даже фамилию республиканского кандидата, но Пол в любом случае занимает уникальное место в американском политическом истеблишменте, потому что реально бросает ему вызов. Доктор Пол идет ломать вашингтонскую машину и закрывать глобальный проект.52-летний сенатор от Кентукки вступает в кампанию под лозунгом «Разрушить вашингтонскую машину! Дать волю американской мечте!». Тут интересно все: и обещание сломать сложившуюся власть партийно-бюрократической элиты, и невольная перекличка с главным китайским лозунгом последних лет, выдвинутым председателем Си Цзиньпином и обещающим достичь «малого процветания» (важный элемент достижения «китайской мечты») как раз к 2020 году, то есть времени, когда завершится срок полномочий президента США, избранного в 2016-м.Конечно, «мечтой» спекулируют многие американские политики, но практически все из реально претендующих на высшую власть считают, что мировая гегемония Америки является неотъемлемой частью американской миссии. А Рэнд Пол – антиинтервенционист, который видит Америку «достаточно сильной, чтобы отразить любую агрессию, и достаточно мудрой, чтобы не ввязываться в ненужные интервенции». Причем эта позиция Пола совершенно логично вытекает из его консерватизма и либертарианства – он один из вождей и кумиров «чайной партии», движения, апеллирующего к наследию отцов-основателей и занимающего сейчас очень серьезные позиции в среде республиканцев. Далеко не все «чайники» столь миролюбивы во внешней политике, но Рэнд еще и сын своего отца, чья известность сыграла немалую роль в быстром взлете молодого сенатора.79-летний Рон Пол больше двух десятилетий провел в Палате представителей, но был там абсолютной «белой вороной», выступая не только за жесткое ограничение власти федерального правительства и его вмешательства в жизнь граждан и права штатов, за кардинальную реформу американской финансово-банковской системы (настаивая на ликвидации Федеральной резервной системы), но и за отказ США от внешней экспансии. Пол голосовал против войны в Ираке, предлагал выйти из ООН и НАТО, а уже во время украинского кризиса осуждал вмешательство США, говоря, что «без спонсируемой США «смены режима» сотни людей не погибли бы в ходе беспорядков, которые последовали за свержением президента Януковича».«Если наша гиперинтервенционалистская политика с большой вероятностью дает нам такую «отдачу», нужна ли нам такая внешняя политика? Оно реально того стоит? Основной акцент нашей критики, другими словами, состоит в том, что внешняя политика правительства ставит под угрозу американский народ и делает его более уязвимым для атак, чем было бы в других случаях... Внешний интервенционализм не приносит выгод гражданам Америки, а является угрозой нашим свободам», – подчеркивал он.Пытаясь опорочить Пола, его называли расистом, гомофобом и антисемитом. При этом сам Рон не согласен считаться даже изоляционистом:«Любой, кто защищает антиинтервенционистскую внешнюю политику, должен быть готов к тому, что его заклеймят изоляционистом. Но я, например, никогда не был изоляционистом... Настоящие изоляционисты – это те, кто изолируют свою страну, настраивая против нее мировое общественное мнение, проповедуя бессмысленную агрессию и войну, которые не имеют ничего общего с легитимной концепцией национальной безопасности».Именно благодаря своей последовательности и идейности Пол стал очень популярен среди либертарианцев, а позднее и консервативного «движения чаепития». Пол-старший – абсолютная противоположность Бушу-старшему или Клинтонам, и более чем символично, что его сын вступает в борьбу за президентство в кампании, которую многие уже считают обреченной стать битвой двух президентских фамилий и династий.Но если Пол-старший антисистемщик (будучи при этом весьма последовательным сторонником как раз исконных американских ценностей, от которых отошли сами американские элиты), то его сын пытается хоть как-то приспособиться к системе, чтобы изменить ее. Осуждать Рэнда Пола за измену принципам, как это делают некоторые из сторонников его отца, не стоит – в США просто невозможно прийти к власти, минуя одну из двух «партий власти»: сама выборная машина построена так, что независимые кандидаты или представители карликовых партий не имеют никаких шансов (максимум, на что они способны – будучи очень богатыми эксцентриками собрать много голосов, как это сделал Рос Перро в 1992-м). Для победы нужна партийная поддержка, и Рэнд Пол пытается ее получить, учитывая при этом неудачный опыт своего отца, который тоже не раз боролся за выдвижение от республиканцев.В 2008 году Рона Пола игнорировали мейнстримные СМИ, но он был очень популярен среди интернет-аудитории, что проявлялось даже в том, что он получал больше всех пожертвований на свою кампанию (и это были именно переводы от обычных граждан). В 2012 году Пол первое время даже лидировал по популярности в опросах среди республиканских избирателей. Но тогда не помогло ни движение чаепития, ни симпатия избирателей – он проиграл праймериз Миту Ромни, который в свою очередь не смог лишить Барака Обаму второго срока.А политическая карьера его сына началась всего двумя годами ранее – в ноябре 2010 года Рэнд был избран сенатором от Кентукки. До этого Пол-младший никогда не занимался политикой – врач, как и его отец, он 18 лет проработал офтальмологом (так что в случае избрания станет вторым президентом с такой профессией наряду с Башаром Асадом). О его президентских перспективах заговорили почти сразу – впрочем, очень многое зависело от внутренних процессов в Республиканской партии. «Чайники» наступали, и как ни сопротивлялась партийная машина, приобретали все большее влияние в партийных структурах и Конгрессе.«Чаепитие» нельзя назвать чисто антиэлитным движением, это скорее сочетание низового протеста с внутриэлитной борьбой: не говоря уже о том, что большинство американцев выступает за ограничение власти правительства, в США достаточны сильны противоречия и между экспансионистскими элитами побережий, и элитами внутренних штатов, между теми, кто давно уже считает себя частью и ядром мировой наднациональной элиты, и сторонниками самодостаточной Америки. Это и не чистой воды изоляционизм, но это очень важный шаг к нему.Понятно, что сейчас в американской элите преобладает интервенционистская позиция – конечно, в разных ее вариантах, но ключевые фигуры как среди республиканцев, так и среди демократов не ставят под сомнение миссию США по «поддержанию порядка» во всем мире. Рэнд Пол, конечно, не столь жесткий антиинтервенционист, как его отец, но все же его внешнеполитическая концепция однозначно резко отличается что от взглядов Клинтон, что от позиций Джеба Буша или Тэда Круза. Во время своего выдвижения Пол заявил, что внешняя политика США «должна порождать стабильность, а не хаос».При этом в отношении украинского кризиса Пол, сначала, до присоединения Крыма, призывавший «не стремиться ущипнуть Россию», в марте прошлого года изменил позицию, потребовав «принять решительные меры против российской агрессии». Жесткая позиция Пола вызвала недоумение у сторонников его отца, который в те же дни выступал с прямо противоположных позиций.Но поведение Рэнда объясняется достаточно просто – сенатор уже тогда готовился к президентской кампании и понимал, что для успешной борьбы за выдвижение ему необходимо будет существенно увеличить число своих сторонников. Отмолчавшись по Крыму и Путину, в отношении которых тогда в Штатах было абсолютное согласие, Пол рисковал маргинализацией. Для России при этом принципиальны не эти высказывания Рэнда Пола, а его общий настрой на отказ от внешней экспансии США, от которого в случае его победы на президентских выборах он в любом случае не сможет отказаться.#{interviewpolit}Пол, конечно, не сможет свернуть американский проект и отказаться от планов глобализации (президент в США все-таки достаточно зависимая фигура), но он сможет существенно повлиять на их корректировку, а значит, и способствовать хотя бы относительному снижению мировой напряженности и смягчению процесса ухода Америки с позиции мирового гегемона. Пол не Обама в том смысле, что он имеет стройную систему взглядов и не откажется от их воплощения. Он боец. Достаточно вспомнить, как два года назад он пытался заблокировать утверждение Бренана директором ЦРУ, выступив в сенате с 11-часовой речью, или то, сколь упрямо он настаивает на аудите ФРС.К тому же внешнеполитическая концепция Пола является лишь продолжением внутриполитической. А она, ограничивая власть федерального правительства и уменьшая его влияние, как раз очень серьезно бьет по интересам и власти глобалистски настроенной части американского истеблишмента. Меньше государства внутри США автоматически означает и меньше империи вовне. Президент-антиинтервенционист проторит дорогу президенту-изоляционисту, но есть ли сейчас шанс на победу Пола?Пока что по всем опросам Клинтон побеждает любого республиканского кандидата. Но это сейчас – ее известность и влияние не сравнятся ни с одним из республиканских кандидатов. Против Клинтон играет слишком многое – президентство однопартийца Обамы, в целом оцениваемое скорее как неудачное, собственный тяжелый характер, слабая работа в качестве госсекретаря. Кроме того, республиканцы сейчас на подъеме, они, по сути, правящая партия везде, кроме Белого дома. У них большинство в обоих палатах Конгресса, власть в большинстве штатов. У них есть огромное желание отыграться – вопрос только в том, сумеют ли они выбрать сильного кандидата.Сейчас у «слонов» нет явного фаворита, хотя понятно, что республиканская элита выдвинула бы Джеба Буша, сына и брата президентов. Но непонятно, насколько он избирабелен, хотя сейчас его рейтинг выше, чем у остальных претендентов-республиканцев, Клинтон он все равно проиграет. Да и внутри Республиканской партии у бывшего губернатора Флориды не все просто.По опросам Буш пока что немногим опережает губернатора Висконсина Скотта Уокера (консерватор, дважды победивший в либеральном штате). Вслед за ними идет группа преследователей, в которую входит и Пол – опросы пока что дают ему с третьего по пятое место.В этой группе бывший губернатор Арканзаса Майк Хакаби (серьезно боровшийся за выдвижение в 2008-м, но уступивший Маккейну), знаменитый нейрохирург чернокожий Бен Карсон (неожиданно включившийся в гонку), губернатор Нью-Джерси Крис Кристи (пару лет назад считавшийся фаворитом) и сенатор Тэд Круз (близкий к «чайной партии»), в конце прошлого месяца первым объявивший о своем официальном выдвижении.Но эти опросы мало о чем говорят, потому что впереди еще много времени – все будет зависеть от борьбы партийных элит и настроений внутри партии, а также способности победить Клинтон. Второго чернокожего претендента подряд (Карсона) республиканцы стране явно не предложат, баптистский пастор Хакаби не способен сплотить республиканцев и свое уже отыграл. Кристи после скандалов сидит в засаде, Круз слишком молод, а есть спрос на опыт.Самый опытный, конечно, Буш, но у него и множество минусов. Главный из которых – само происхождение. Тот факт, что Америка уже открыто уподобляется так любимому отцами-основателями Риму с его соперничающими за власть патрициями, не нравится очень многим избирателям. И в этом смысле кампания Клинтон–Буш сама по себе может стать серьезным ударом по и так уже очень низкому авторитету центральной власти.На борьбу со сложившейся американской номенклатурой (связки политиков с финансово-промышленной олигархией), которую и называют «вашингтонской машиной», и вышел Рэнд Пол. Подтверждением этому является и то, что из всех республиканских кандидатов Пол пользуется наибольшей симпатией среди неопределившихся и беспартийных, то есть его воспринимают шире, чем просто партийного кандидата. Внутри Республиканской партии пока что Пола будут пытаться остановить Уокером – консерватором, который не имеет антиэлитарных убеждений и вполне приемлем для республиканского истеблишмента, но понятно, что главная борьба ему предстоит с Бушем.Она и станет главной интригой нынешней кампании, причем это будет не обычное американское шоу, в котором разница во взглядах имеет второстепенное значение, а принципиальный спор. Пол представляет собой «другую Америку» – ту, которую давно уже оттерли от ключевых рычагов управления. И которая хочет взять реванш – опираясь на ключевые принципы самоуправления, прийти в Вашингтон, чтобы лишить его большей части власти, незаконно присвоенной им у штатов.По исходу противостояния Буш–Пол можно будет судить о том, насколько ситуация в Штатах созрела для подобных революционных изменений. Которые интересны нам в первую очередь теми последствиями, которые они окажут на поведение США на глобальной арене, ведь именно там мы будем заниматься изолированием «атлантической империи», минимизацией разрушительных последствий ее агрессивного мессианства. Было бы неплохо – и для самих США, и для России – если бы новый президент облегчил нам эту задачу. Даже если Пол станет президентом не в 2016-м, а в 2020 году.источник