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18 января, 00:50

Venezuela Faces Uncertain Future As ‘Failing State’ Enters Second Year Of Economic Crisis

function onPlayerReadyVidible(e){'undefined'!=typeof HPTrack&&HPTrack.Vid.Vidible_track(e)}!function(e,i){if(e.vdb_Player){if('object'==typeof commercial_video){var a='',o='m.fwsitesection='+commercial_video.site_and_category;if(a+=o,commercial_video['package']){var c='&m.fwkeyvalues=sponsorship%3D'+commercial_video['package'];a+=c}e.setAttribute('vdb_params',a)}i(e.vdb_Player)}else{var t=arguments.callee;setTimeout(function(){t(e,i)},0)}}(document.getElementById('vidible_1'),onPlayerReadyVidible); Amid widespread poverty, worsening food shortages and tumbling oil prices, socialist Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro has declared a sixth consecutive 60-day period of national economic emergency, stretching the crisis into a second year and further extending his government’s expansive decree powers. Blaming the nation’s financial woes on low oil prices and a U.S.-led plot to topple his regime, the embattled leader announced Sunday that his administration would soon unveil a new plan to address Venezuela’s crippling recession and hyperinflation. A former bus driver and union leader, Maduro was narrowly elected to lead the country in April 2013 following the death of former President Hugo Chávez one month prior. In the years that have followed, Venezuelans have endured internationally alarming socioeconomic chaos. Soaring food prices and shortages have led to hungry families lining up for hours to spend their grossly devalued currency on groceries and other necessities. Tens of thousands of people have already fled to Brazil and other surrounding countries for basic services including medical care. Many blame the abysmal conditions on Maduro, whose latest approval rating was a dismal 21.2 percent. Massive protests erupted in September 2016 demanding his resignation. But Maduro has no such intention. “You won’t get rid of me,” he warned his critics in March 2016. So far, he’s right. Members of Venezuela’s political opposition coalition have long been working to oust the president, but their efforts to hold a presidential recall referendum fell flat before a crucial deadline. Venezuela’s National Electoral Council suspended referendum efforts in October 2016 following reports of alleged campaign fraud, but the reasons behind the delays are disputed and polarizing. If Maduro had lost in a referendum held before Jan. 10, a new presidential election would have been called, giving the opposition and its supporters the opportunity to potentially end nearly 18 years of socialist rule in Venezuela. His loss in a referendum held after that date would simply result in power shifting to Vice President Tareck El Assami, who Maduro appointed earlier this month. The WorldPost spoke with foreign policy expert Eric Farnsworth, Vice President of Council of the Americas, about Venezuela’s political and economic future.  What power does Venezuela’s opposition-majority Congress have to actually effect political change on the Maduro administration at this point? They’ve been trying to engage in a dialogue with the government now for about six months, facilitated by the Vatican, and other leaders from South America. Dialogue doesn’t seem to be getting the opposition anywhere. Indeed what’s happening is the government is becoming even more radicalized and less responsive to any sort of opposition requests.  The questions is, what’s the alternative? The election process would normally be the escape valve for this sort of scenario, except for the fact that the opposition ― which wanted, and indeed worked for, a recall referendum in 2016 ― was stymied by the government. The recall referendum is completely constitutional, in fact, when President Chávez was alive, he had a recall referendum and he won. But this government didn’t think it was going to win, so it did what it could to kill it. Nothing radicalizes a population faster than taking hope away from them. If they can make it to the next national election that would be scheduled for 2018 ― which is a long time from now given the state of Venezuela’s economy and the increasingly desperate situation there ― that would be the next logical escape from a collapsing country. But there’s a lot of speculation that the government will find a way not to hold the elections in 2018, so if you take that off the table, there really isn’t anything for the opposition to do, other than take to the streets and protest. My prediction would be that 2017 is going to see increasing volatility, it’s going to see increasing street protests ― not from the opposition per se, but from people who are simply fed up with trying to live in Venezuela. Then it will be up to the government to decide whether they will try to repress them, and if they do so violently, which none of us wants to happen, but it’s certainly a possibility, and increasingly so as times goes by. The deadline for a recall referendum leading to a new presidential vote has now passed. Many accuse judges and electoral officials of unfairly impeding this process. How is this affecting tensions in the country? This was a political escape valve ― it was a way to blow off political steam. People were channeling their frustration toward a goal: a recall referendum in a legitimate democratic process. When that was taken away from them, and without any obvious redress, that caused additional frustration, and frankly, radicalization. My own personal view is that the government is increasingly radicalized. I don’t think you can assume that the opposition and people in the streets are going to remain passive. This is really becoming quite a bad situation. Nothing radicalizes a population faster than taking hope away from them. If they have nothing to lose, they have nothing to lose.  Do you think Maduro will last until his term ends in 2018? If you expect he will be ousted, what circumstances do you anticipate? I have no idea if he will last. The situation in Venezuela is fundamentally unpredictable. What I can say is that the Chavistas [supporters of Chávez and his left-wing political ideology] themselves seem to have maintaining power and control as their primary goal. If they believe that their basic power is threatened by Maduro remaining in office, we can predict that they will try to ease him out and put somebody else in. If they believe that their power is strengthened by having him in office, then it’s unlikely that he would go. Can Maduro last? It depends if his political party and supporters think he’s an asset or a liability. I base that on an analysis that would indicate that the most likely scenario for him leaving is not through the ballot box or any sort of coup. The issue primarily would be if his own supporters don’t believe he’s strong enough to carry out their program of activities. They would be the most likely ones to invoke change before the scheduled turnover. So can he last? It depends if his political party and supporters think he’s an asset or a liability. If the opposition is successful in pushing Maduro out through a referendum, he will be succeeded by Vice President Tareck El Assami, who Maduro appointed just this month. Would that lead to any real change in Venezuela? I think it could actually make things worse. The allegations about [El Assami] are so stark, that whether it’s drug trafficking, human rights issues, connections to Hezbollah or other things, that will further radicalize people. Certainly he seems to have a harder edge even than President Maduro, but I think the opposition and other observers would truly find that to be an objectionable turn for Venezuela. People say that the president appointed [El Assami] because that will give himself greater longevity ― putting this vice president in versus the last one would be so distasteful to the opposition, that they’d find it better to keep Maduro in place. I’m still skeptical that a referendum will take place at all. I think in some ways, that water has run, because what’s the incentive to go through all the effort? Maybe you have the referendum and win, but then you get the president replaced by a very radical vice president. Has Maduro neglected the needs of his people through his efforts to maintain power? If so, how and to what extent?  Yes, absolutely. Unless you are part of the ruling group or have some connection to the ruling group, the basic existence in Venezuela is a daily challenge, whether it’s standing in line for hours to get food or basic medical assistance, or just walking in the streets and becoming a victim of rampant crime. Some of the infrastructure is literally crumbling. You have a country that is collapsing ― some people call it a “failed state;” I call it a “failing state.” I think the Venezuelan people today are much worse off than when Maduro came to power, and I would even say than when Chávez came to power in 1999. Estimates are that poverty in Venezuela today is higher than it was when Chávez came to power. It’s not to say that things before Chávez were perfect, but the direction that Chavismo [a left-wing political ideology associated with Chávez’s governance] has taken Venezuela has turned the country into an anti-democratic economic basket case. The direction that Chavismo has taken Venezuela has turned the country into an anti-democratic economic basket case. Even so, even if you switched governments tomorrow and brought in the most public-spirited, smartest, most capable team of economists and politicians, it would take years to get Venezuela back to where it was. Why do I say that? A lot of people suggest the only engine of growth in the economy is the oil sector, which is largely true, and you can’t just flip a switch to produce oil effectively and efficiently. It takes billions of dollars of investment, which Venezuela doesn’t have, as well as strong management and leadership. The world also seems to be making an effort to move away from oil and toward cleaner fuels.  Tens of thousands of Venezuelans are fleeing the country to escape the crisis. Will this significantly lessen the resource and energy shortage in Venezuela?  There is a migration crisis that’s happening, but will it relieve demands in Venezuela? Not in any meaningful way, I don’t think. People are going into other countries because they’re desperate, so it’s not like they’ve been consuming a whole lot already. The numbers that are going across the border represent a small percentage. It’s large in absolute terms, but compared to the overall size of Venezuela’s population and economy, it’s not. You’d have to almost depopulate the country to do that. It’s less an issue of using that as a lever to improve the economy, and more as a signal of how desperate people are. It’s not like conditions once you get across the border to Brazil are anything but desperate there. People are still willing to take that chance, because it’s so bad in Venezuela. Even the poor are fleeing from a revolution that purported to be for their benefit. The migration is having an effect in that it’s sensitizing other countries to the fact that Venezuela isn’t an issue they can ignore for much longer. I don’t see any obvious path forward, and that’s the problem. This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

18 января, 00:45

Albemarle (ALB) Intends to Redeem Senior Notes Due 2019

Albemarle Corporation (ALB) has announced its plan to redeem all of its outstanding 3.000% senior notes due 2019 on Feb 10, 2017.

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17 января, 20:35

Самые популярные способы обмана при продаже iPhone

В России огромный спрос на подержанную технику Apple. Устройства крайне выгодны для перепродажи, ведь они медленно теряют в цене на вторичном рынке. Высокие обороты и маржинальность этого рынка привлекают мошенников, которые используют все более изощренные схемы.Эксперты сайта объявлений DamProdam.ru проанализировали около 2000 объявлений за 6 месяцев и выявили несколько популярных схем обмана покупателей. Рассказываем, чего стоит опасаться и как этого избежать. ​​​​​ iPhone, купленный 2 года назад, теряет в цене лишь до 30% iPhone, купленный 1 год назад, теряет в цене до 15% iPhone, купленный 5 лет назад, всегда можно продать на запчасти Старый iPhone выдают за модель нового поколения с помощью джелбрейка Свежий метод, популярен этой зимой. iPhone 5s (2013) и iPhone 5 (2012) продают под видом iPhone SE (2015) – в два раза дороже. Для этого на старом iPhone взламывается прошивка, и в ней заменяется информация об устройстве, чтобы соответствовать настоящему, новому iPhone SE. Затем комплектующие старого iPhone перекладываются в корпус от нового (часто «китайский») и продаются на вторичном рынке в 2 раза дороже iPhone 5 или 5s. Вскрыть такие ситуации можно только полным сбросом всех настроек системы на месте и тщательной сверкой номера модели.  Пользователь приобретает с рук смартфон iPhone SE 2015 года за 26 тысяч рублей. Спустя неделю выясняется: на самом деле это iPhone 5s 2013 года, его цена на вторичном рынке всего 13-15 тысяч рублей. Мошенники подменили информацию об устройстве в прошивке и заменили корпус от 5s на похожий, но от SE. На такой схеме преступникам удаётся заработать около 13 000 рублей с каждого телефона. Продают iPhone, которые на 85% состоят из поддельных комплектующих Как правило, такие закупают в Китае напрямую, на площадках формата AliExpress, или у сервисных центров, так сбывающих некачественные комплектующие и остатки отбракованных устройств бывших клиентов.

17 января, 17:25

RIO Tinto (RIO) Reports Robust Production Results in Q4

Premium basic materials company, Rio Tinto plc (RIO) reported sturdy fourth-quarter 2016 production results.

17 января, 16:49

POSCO's (PKX) Growth Initiatives Look Good: Time to Buy?

On Jan 17, 2017, Zacks Investment Research upgraded POSCO (PKX) to a Zacks Rank #2 (Buy) from a Zacks Rank #4 (Sell).

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17 января, 10:26

Если гаджет Garmin под рукой, потеряться надо будет постараться

Компания Garmin представила мобильные устройства для путешественников по всему миру и любителей активного отдыха в отдалённых районах

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17 января, 08:00

Donor 'consortium' needed to bolster Haiti's long-term recovery and eradicate cholera, UN adviser says

A senior United Nations adviser called today for a new “consortium” of donors committed to improving Haiti's water supply and sanitation services to help finally eradicate cholera from the island, in support of the newly-elected President Jovenel Moïse.

16 января, 18:29

The peculiar persistence of monetary policy denialism, by Scott Sumner

When I was in grad school in the late 1970s, there was increased interest in the "monetary ineffectiveness proposition", which posited that money was neutral and monetary policy did not impact real variables. There was virtually no interest (at Chicago) in the claim that monetary policy could not impact nominal variables, like inflation and NGDP. By the early 1990s, there was no interest in the nominal ineffectiveness view in any university that I'm aware of. And yet today I see lots of people denying that monetary policy can control nominal variables. They often make arguments that are completely irrelevant, such as that the monetary base is only a tiny percentage of financial assets. That would be like saying the supply of kiwi fruit can't have much impact on the price of kiwi fruit, because kiwi fruit are only a tiny percentage of all fruits. Beyond the powerful theoretical arguments against monetary policy denialism, there's also a very inconvenient fact for denialists; both market and private forecasters seem to believe that monetary policy is effective. Let's take a look at the consensus forecast of PCE inflation over the next 10 years (from 42 forecasters surveyed by the Philadelphia Fed): Notice that most of those numbers are pretty close to 2%. The Fed's official long run target is headline PCE inflation, however in the short run they are believed to target core PCE inflation, which factors out wild swings in oil prices. Core PCE inflation is expected to come in at 1.8% this year. That may reflect the strong dollar, which holds down inflation. They forecast 2.0% inflation for the 2016-2025 period. Now think about how miraculous that 2.0% figure would be if monetary policy were not determining inflation. Suppose you believed that fiscal policy determined inflation. That would mean that professional forecasters expected Trump and Congress to come together with a package to produce exactly 2% inflation. But I've never even seen a model explaining how this result could be achieved. People who like the fiscal theory of the price level, such as John Cochrane, usually talk about the history of inflation in the broadest of terms. Thus inconvenient facts such as the fall in inflation just as Reagan was dramatically boosting deficits are waved away with talk of things like the 1983 Social Security reforms, which reduced future expected deficits. But unless I'm mistaken, there's no precision in those models, no attempt to explain how fiscal policy produced exactly the actual path of inflation. (This is from memory, please correct me if I'm wrong.) Another counterargument might be that 2% inflation is "normal", and thus might have been caused by some sort of structural factors in the economy, not monetary policy. But of course it's not at all normal. Prior to 1990, the Fed almost never achieved 2% inflation; it was usually much lower (gold standard) or much higher (Great Inflation and even the Volcker years.) Since 1990, we've been pretty close to 2% inflation, and this precisely corresponds to the period when the Fed has been trying to achieve 2% inflation. Even the catastrophic banking crash of 2008-09 caused inflation to only fall about 2% below target, as compared to double digit deflation during the 1931 crisis. So private sector forecasts seem to trust the Fed to keep inflation at 2%, on average. But how can the Fed do that unless monetary policy is effective? How about market forecasts? Unfortunately we don't have a completely unbiased market forecast, but we do have the TIPS spreads: Notice the 5-year and 10-year spreads are both 2.01%. That's actually closer to 2% than usual, but a couple caveats are in order. First, the CPI is used to index TIPS, and the CPI tends to show higher inflation that the PCE, which is the variable actually targeted by the Fed. So the markets may be forecasting slightly less than 2% inflation. Notice the Philly Fed forecast calls for 2.0% PCE inflation and 2.22% CPI inflation over the next decade. So perhaps the TIPS markets expect about 1.8% PCE inflation. On the other hand, TIPS spreads are widely believed to slightly understate expected CPI inflation. That's because conventional bonds are somewhat more liquid than TIPS, which means they are presumably able to offer a slightly lower expected return. If so, then expected CPI inflation is slightly higher than the TIPS spreads. To summarize, the TIPS markets are probably predicting slightly above 2.01% CPI inflation, and the expected PCE inflation rate is about 0.22% below that. In other words, TIPS markets predict that PCE inflation will run about 0.22% below a figure that is slightly above 2.01%. That sounds like a figure not very far from 2.0%! Thus both private forecasters and market participants seem to be expecting roughly 2% PCE inflation going forward. There are lots of other figures they could have predicted, including the 4% inflation of 1982-90, or the zero percent average of the gold standard, or the 8% figure of the 1972-81 period, etc., etc. Why 2.0%? Is it some miraculous coincidence? Or is it because the Fed determines the inflation rate, and people expect the Fed will deliver roughly on target inflation, on average, for the foreseeable future? Just to be clear, I'm not saying the forecasts will always be this close. I would not be shocked if the next Philly (quarterly) forecast bumped up to 2.1%, perhaps reflecting the impact of Trump's election. My point is that it's difficult to explain any figure that is close to 2% with a "fiscal theory of the price level". Or "demographics". You need to focus on monetary policy, which drives the inflation rate. And that means, ipso facto, that monetary policy also determines NGDP growth. If trend RGDP were to slow, the central bank could simply raise the inflation target to maintain stable NGDP growth. Thus NGDP growth is not driven by structural factors such as productivity, regulation, demographics, fiscal policy, etc., it's determined by the Fed. There is no question in my mind that the Fed could generate a 4% average rate of NGDP growth, or any other figure. The only question is whether or not they wish to. PS. Of course there's lots of other evidence against denialism. For instance, exchange rates often respond strongly to unanticipated monetary policy decisions, and almost always in the direction predicted by monetarists, and denied by denialists. PPS. I'm not a Holocaust denialist, a global warming denialist, or a monetary policy denialist. But I am a fiscal policy denialist and a conspiracy theory denialist, so I'm not opposed to denialism, per se. PPPS. Regarding the kiwi example, an even better analogy would be the claim that a stock split of Disney can't affect the nominal price of individual Disney shares, because Disney is only a small share of the entire stock market. Of course that's wrong, and so is monetary policy denialism. (17 COMMENTS)

16 января, 16:44

ФАС перенесла рассмотрение дела в отношении Apple по ремонту iphone

Федеральная антимонопольная служба (ФАС) России перенесла на 25 января рассмотрение дела в отношении Apple по жалобе россиянина, которому сервисные центры отказали в замене поврежденного дисплея iPhone. «Комиссия ФАС России рассмотрит дело в отношении компании "Эппл Рус" 25 января 2017 года в связи с невозможностью рассмотрения дела 17 января»,— приводит «РИА Новости» сообщение ведомства.Напомним, в середине декабря ФАС возбудила дело против российского представительства компании. Apple подозревают в том, что она предпочитает менять сломанные гаджеты, а не ремонтировать их. История началась после того, как в ФАС обратился с жалобой россиянин Дмитрий Петров. Еще в 2015 году он разбил дисплей своего iPhone SE. В авторизованном сервисном центре Apple ему отказали в ремонте, но предложили доплатить 22 тыс. руб. за новый гаджет. Как сервисная политика Apple привлекла внимание ФАС, читайте в материале «Ъ FM» «Дошли руки…

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16 января, 15:42

Embraer (ERJ) Reports Record Deliveries: 225 Jets in 2016

Embraer S.A. (ERJ) reported solid delivery figures for the fourth quarter as well as 2016, marking a record high in six years.

16 января, 15:42

Boeing (BA) Wins Order for 205 737 MAX 8 Jets from SpiceJet

The Boeing Company (BA) has received a commitment for up to 205 airplanes from SpiceJet, an India-based low-cost airline.

16 января, 14:58

Eastman Chemical Gets Approval for Using Eastman Turbo Oils

Eastman Chemical Company (EMN) has received an approval from engine maker, Pratt & Whitney for the use of two engine oils ??? Eastman Turbo Oil 2197 and 2380 ??? in the PW1100G-JM and PW1500G engines.

16 января, 14:13

Naujametinės pagirios baigėsi Lietuvoje paranojos paaštrėjimu

Naujuosius metus Lietuva pradeda kovodama prieš stambiausio šalyje duomenų centro statybą, įtardama, jog jis turi ryšių su Rusijos šnipinėjimo centru.

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16 января, 11:13

Выпущена новая версия корпуса RAIDMAX MONSTER II

У корпусов RAIDMAX MONSTER долгая история. Впервые версия MONSTER II была упомянута ещё в 2015 году, а выпущена — летом прошлого года. Но компания решила развивать серию дальше и представила новую версию под названием MONSTER II SE. Как и ранее, она выпускается в двух вариантах — чёрном и белом. Поддерживается установка системных плат форм-фактора ATX или меньшего, вплоть до Mini-ITX. Боковая панель MONSTER II SE выполнена из закалённого стекла и практически не скрывает содержимого; впрочем, дисковые накопители и блок питания не видны, поскольку располагаются в отдельном отсеке в нижней части корпуса. Владельцев таких устройств, как приводы Blu-ray, наверняка порадует наличие двух внешних отсеков формата 5,25″. В корпус можно установить до трёх накопителей в формате 3,5″ и до четырёх — в формате 2,5″. В новой версии расширено и оптимизировано скрытое пространство, предназначенное для незаметной прокладки кабелей.

15 января, 23:30

Measuring the economic effects of uncertainty

Economists have had a lot of interest recently in whether uncertainty itself may have measurable effects on the economy. Last week I participated in a session devoted to economic research on this question at the meetings of the Allied Social Science Association in Chicago. Here I relate some of the comments I made there. Economists […]

15 января, 10:07

Золотой дубль: россияне победили на «Дакаре» в двух зачётах

В столице Аргентины Буэнос-Айресе завершился 38-й ралли-марафон «Дакар». Российские мастера автоспорта первенствовали в двух зачётах из пяти — экипаж «КамАЗа» во главе с Эдуардом Николаевым стал лучшим в классе грузовиков второй раз в карьере, а управляющий квадроциклом Сергей Карякин впервые выиграл престижный гоночный марафон. RT подводит итоги соревнований.

14 января, 16:00

Pro-Trump TV Network Has Big-League Dreams

Right Side Broadcasting started as a one-man live stream operation. Now, it’s coming to D.C., and it’s got the president’s ear.

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13 января, 17:40

Vale (VALE) Hits 52-Week High on Strong Growth Drivers

Shares of premium basic materials company, Vale S.A. (VALE), hit a fresh 52-week high of $9.55 per share on Jan 12, 2017.

13 января, 17:33

Monsanto Ties Up with NRGene to Boost Technology Platform

Monsanto Company (MON) and NRGene recently entered into a non-exclusive, multi-year global licensing agreement.

12 января, 19:33

Trump, Implicit Bias, and the Dream of Racial Progress

"We have made progress in everything, yet nothing has changed" - Derrick Bell Only eight short years ago, the United States elected its first Black president, and lo, the end of racism was heralded across the land. Commentators of all political stripes breathlessly reported the redemptive significance of Obama's ascendance; the US had finally, once and for all, transcended its ugly racist past. Eight years later, that apple has certainly lost its luster. The deep and broad racial divisions revealed by the Obama presidency have thoroughly spoiled our post-racial happy ending. Thanks a lot Tea Party! It is easy to see why rational people are willing to buy into the post-racial myth. Besides our longing to believe in racial progress, there is evidence for it. Surveys of white people have shown a steady drop in explicit racist sentiments since the 1960s. And, every time a racially charged incident occurs, we remind ourselves of how far we've come. So, how are we to understand the Obama backlash? How did we end up electing as President of the United States an epically unqualified buffoon who built his political profile on reality TV and birther conspiracies and based his presidential campaign on stoking white racial fear and resentment? Ironically, it appears that our investment in the story of racial progress may played a role. We white people seem to have been blind to the way racial attitudes have evolved until this seething undercurrent of racism erupted into the political sphere. Conventional surveys seem to have missed it, but researchers have known about it for decades. This unspoken form of racism is most commonly known as implicit racial bias, and is measured using the Implicit Association Test (IAT). The test has revealed that a striking 88 percent of white IAT participants show pro-white, or anti-black bias. Still, although this discovery was greeted with surprise, it has never been seen as a serious challenge to racial progress story. Indeed, it is often discussed as if it supports the racial progress story. In the remainder of this piece, I outline three specific examples of how the discovery of implicit racial bias is framed as supporting rather than undermining the racial progress story. First, mainstream discussions tend to emphasize that implicit bias is unconscious without clarifying that, within cognitive science, the term does not mean hidden so much as overlooked. Second, racial bias is typically discussed as if it is a psychological remnant of past racism rather than a contemporary phenomenon with contemporary causes. Third, instead of asking what the prevalence of implicit racial bias might suggest about society at large, discussions typically treat it as simply a form of personal racism. These three interpretative strategies are mutually supporting, and together, allow us to sustain our belief in racial progress. Implicit Bias and the Cognitive Unconscious It is common to see the word unconscious substituted for implicit in mainstream reporting as well as in the scientific literature on implicit cognition. There is nothing wrong with this, per se, since the two words are technically synonymous. However, the word unconscious can be read as suggesting that our biases are harder to see than they are. Unlike the word implicit, which is unfamiliar to most non-specialists, the word unconscious, derived from psychoanalysis, has a rich history in popular culture. For the non-specialist, the word may imply that relevant mental content is inaccessible to our conscious minds. This can end up letting us off the hook from taking responsibility for our biases. Popular writings about implicit racial bias tend to emphasize that most people renounce prejudice and are therefore shocked when they learn, usually via the IAT, that they harbor hidden racial biases. In their excellent book, Blindspot: Hidden Biases of Good People, Mahzarin Bajani and Anthony Greenwald affirm this trope in the title of their book. But the evidence does not quite justify it. Research only shows that associative memory works independently of explicit cognition, and therefore people can endorse egalitarian beliefs and be unaware that they also harbor negative racial associations. But not being aware of something does not make it hidden. In the public imagination, unconscious often implies a shadowy realm of animalistic drives, shameful desires, and repressed memories. Thus conceived, the unconscious is so obscure that its murky depths can only be explored with the guidance of a professional. It is otherwise inaccessible to our conscious minds. For cognitive psychology, by contrast, the unconscious is relatively mundane. When cognitive psychologists talk about unconscious cognition, they are simply referring to the involuntary and automatic processes, such as framing effects, representativeness, and priming. Thus, when they describe a process as unconscious, they simply mean that its operation is not available to direct introspection. But just because a process is unobservable does not mean the products are. We are perfectly able to know that we hold negative racial stereotypes. We only need to notice them. The real issue is that we white people have good reasons to deny our implicit biases, thanks in part to the racial progress story. The social stigma associated with racism is so powerful that even the Ku Klux Klan denies being racist. To become aware of a racist thought threatens our belief that we are decent people, creating cognitive dissonance. The mind tries to reduce this dissonance by reflexively pushing unwelcome thoughts out of awareness. We may tell ourselves that this is OK since we don't believe our biases anyway. However, one of the most important findings of implicit bias research is that these stereotypes can affect our behavior whether or not we believe in them. In fact, the less awareness we have of them, the more vulnerable we are to their influence. Implicit Bias as Residue The commitment to racial progress in mainstream discussions also downplays implicit racial bias by portraying it as a remnant of an earlier era. Descriptions often refer to bias using words like "persistence" or "remains," which suggest that it has no relationship to the present. The website for Teaching Tolerance describes implicit bias as "mental residue." An article in Psychology Today argues that MRI results "explain why bias stubbornly persists even if our cultural mores tell us it's wrong" (emphasis added). This language suggests that our racism is not really ours, as if it's somehow left over from our grandparents. Moreover, the "residue" frame subtly implies that the move from conscious to unconscious is just a step on the path to extinction. In fact, implicit racial biases are a function of associative memory, and associative memory gets its content from our own direct life experiences. It is uncomfortable to examine the source of our negative racial associations because it forces us to confront unpleasant truths. My own story is emblematic. I grew up in an all-white suburb of Youngstown, thanks to racist 20th century housing policies. My school system was practically all white. My Boy Scout troop was all white. The employees and most of the customers at the supermarket where I worked were white. The shopping centers, restaurants, and nightclubs I frequented were essentially all white. Even the local university I attended, Youngstown State, was practically all white. I literally didn't know a single person of color until I started my post college career. In addition, from early childhood, I imbibed a steady stream of associations between blackness and criminality, blackness and poverty, blackness and violence, blackness and sports/entertainment. I encountered few associations between blackness and heroism, blackness and genius, or even blackness and middle-class ordinariness. Most of these negative associations came from TV and film. In real life, I lived in a safe, quiet, all-white neighborhood where I caught the school bus each weekday morning to attend a well-resourced school full of college-bound white kids. In school, I learned a white-washed history full of white heroes and villains, white geniuses, and white "regular folks." Meanwhile, my direct experience taught me that there are good neighborhoods, like mine, and bad ones, where the schools fail to educate, crime and drugs are rampant, and black and brown folks kill each other over nothing. I mostly saw the latter on the nightly news, but I understood where these neighborhoods were in relation to my house. It's hard to imagine coming out the other side of this without anti-black and pro-white biases. Meanwhile I learned from television that racial prejudice is wrong and backward. Reasonable people like Phil Donahue and Michael Stivic rejected bigotry, while we all laughed at Archie Bunker. The story of racial progress was also being represented through the rising status of TV's Black families. Good Times and Sanford and Son portrayed folks living in ghettos and struggling to keep it together. Then, on The Jeffersons, a working-class family moves on up to the owning-class, but brings their working-class sensibilities with them. Finally, on The Cosby Show, Black professional-class security and familial harmony was portrayed as ordinary and natural. The ascent of the Black TV family was a positive influence on me, and I assume others, but it may have had an unintended consequence. The rise of the Black middle class on TV and in real life occurred at the same time the crack epidemic was ravaging inner-city Black communities and feeding a panic about Black crime. Political and media exploitation ensured that for every minute of Huxtable harmony on TV there was an hour of crack-related crime and consternation. I suspect that this duality contributed to the divergence of my own explicit and implicit racial attitudes. I'm probably not alone in being able to enjoy Black sitcoms and vote for a Black president while at the same time holding a cluster of implicit anti-black associations. These associations are not left over from my racist ancestors; they are simply products of growing up in this racist society. Implicit Bias and Individual Psychology Perhaps the most insidious way the racial progress story distorts our understanding of implicit bias is its inability to acknowledge the structural level of racism. For the racial progress story, structural racism is a thing of the past, and all that remains is individual bigotry and discrimination. This is why mainstream commentators have trouble explaining the racialized impact of voter ID laws, but they can't get enough of Donald Sterling and Paula Deen. Indeed, implicit bias is useful for those pressing the racial progress narrative precisely because it seems to explain continued racial inequality without appealing to structural causes or widespread bigotry. Moreover, by classifying racial bias as a glitch in individual psychology, it can be framed as an isolated problem that can be remedied through training, medication, or a bias cleanse. This excessive focus on individual bias is playing out in the police brutality controversies. Thanks to smart phones and social media, the white public is finally waking up to police violence in communities of color and especially the killing of unarmed Black men. Many observers attribute these killings to the racism of individual officers. The police strongly deny this. And since explicit racist intent is almost impossible to prove, such accusations usually go nowhere. The implicit bias approach, however, is being welcomed by the public as well as law enforcement agencies because it helps account for racial disparities in the use of force without assuming racist intent. In addition, it offers the promise of solving the problem with anti-bias training. Unfortunately, structural questions are largely ignored because the racial progress narrative focuses our attention on individual psychology. But an understanding of the larger historical context, including the war on drugs and the cynical political calculations that launched it, is essential for grappling with police violence. In fact, to understand why communities of color are aggressively policed, we need to recall how these communities were created. These economically and racially isolated pockets of urban poverty are products of the federal government policies that subsidized the creation of white suburbs. While generations of white families were given a chance to accumulate wealth through home ownership, black and brown families were trapped in inner-cities, with failing schools, where their choices were limited to renting or being exploited by predatory lenders. When unemployment and hopelessness led to addiction and family decay, the public policy response was to "get tough on crime," adding more police with more weapons and more 'intrusive practices'. Given this structural reality, people of color are assured of suffering disproportionate police violence with or without racial bias. Conclusion For decades many independent lines of inquiry have pointed to the same disturbing conclusion: a cesspool of racist stereotypes & attitudes churns just beneath the surface of our post-racial good manners. Racism has certainly evolved since the days of public lynchings and legal apartheid. But the racial progress story obscures more than it reveals. While congratulating ourselves for using the same water fountains, we failed to notice when our implicit fears were channeled into the creation of a system of racialized mass incarceration on a scale unprecedented in human history. More recently we've been allowing a systematic attack on voting rights, based partly on racially charged claims of inner-city voter fraud. Now a megalomaniacal demagogue has been elected president despite (or because of) his willingness to foment explicit racial resentments and pal around with white supremacists. Old fashion racism is making a comeback. And no amount of implicit bias or diversity training is likely to stem this noxious tide. The resilience of racism in the US is not the result of antiquated attitudes buried in the dusty corners of individual minds. It is not really about attitudes at all. Whether implicit or explicit, racist attitudes are outward symptoms of a deeper sickness. Racism, specifically white supremacy, infects white America's collective identity at its core. This sickness produces not only our biases but also our denial. And it supports our conviction that we are steadily moving toward a multicultural utopia. In reality, the only way forward is back. We must grapple seriously with the nation's historic atrocities and work to heal the wounds wrought by slavery, genocide, Jim Crow, the war on drugs, and the continuing legacies of colonialism and capitalism. Only by collectively acknowledging and repairing these historical harms can we achieve sustainable progress toward a society with liberty and justice for everyone. -- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.

13 апреля 2014, 13:54

Версаль. Франция. Часть 16..

Оригинал взят у bolivar_s в Версаль. Франция. Часть 16.. Цитата сообщения MatrioshkaПрочитать целикомВ свой цитатник или сообщество!Версаль (Versailles). Часть 16.   Людовик Фердинанд, дофин Франции, наследник французского престола. Louis de France (1729-1765), Louis of France, Son of Dauphin Louis XV (1729-1765), Maurice Quentin de La Tour Nattier Jean-Marc. Dauphin of France (1729–1765) Le Dauphin Louis de France (1729-1765) Jean Marc Nattier  Portrait de Louis de France, dauphin (1729-1765), Maurice Quentin de Le Dauphin Louis de France (1729-1765), Roslin Alexandre Louis de France (1729-1765), Maurice Quentin de La Tour (1704–1788)Дофин Людовик Фердинанд (фр. Louis Ferdinand, dauphin de France; 4 сентября 1729 — 20 декабря 1765) — старший сын Людовика XV и Марии Лещинской, наследник французского престола. Louis XV enfant (1710-1774) en grand manteau royal vers 1715 Louis XV (1710-1774) roi de France, âgé de 9 ans, en costume royal, assis sur le trône de Ranc Jean Charles Sevin de La Penaye (1685-1740), Portrait de Louis XV en armure, 1721 Hyacinthe Rigaud,Portrait of Louis XV (1710-1774) 1721 Hyacinthe Rigaud,Portrait of Louis XV 1730 Louis XV (1710-1774), en cuirasse vers 1740 de Lundberg Gustaf Louis-Michel van Loo Louis-Michel van Loo. Portrait of Louis XV of France (1710-1774) Jean Baptiste van Loo. Marie Leszczynska  La reine de France Marie Leczinska (1703-1768) de ,D'après Tocque Louis    Marie Leszczynska, reine de France (1703-1768) lisant la Bible de Nattier Jean-Marc Шарль ван Ло. Королева Франции Мария Лещинская (1703-1768) Marie Leczinska. Jean-Baptiste van Loo Portrait de Marie Leczinska devant le château de Fontainebleau par Jean Baptiste Martin, l'Ancien Maurice-Quentin de La Tour, Portrait de Marie Leczinska, reine de France (1748)Рождение сына у Людовика XV широко праздновалось, так как после трагической череды смертей в 1710-е годы французская королевская семья стала очень малочисленной, и бездетная кончина молодого короля могла привести к борьбе за престол между его дядей Филиппом V Испанским и герцогами Орлеанскими . Portrait de Philippe de France, duc d'Anjou de Vivien Joseph Jean Ranc (1674–1735) Portrait of Philip V of Spain Michel Corneille Старший (1601–1664).Филипп I Орлеанский, родоначальник Орлеанской ветви дома Бурбонов Франсуа Паскаль Симон Жерар. Луи-Филипп I, король Франции в 1830—1848Дофин Людовик был хорошо образован, любил музыку, предпочитал серьёзные разговоры охоте и балам. Был сторонником иезуитов, набожным и безупречным в личной жизни (в отличие от отца). Вокруг него группировалась клерикальная оппозиция королю. В этом отношении он напоминал своего деда герцога Бургундского (которому тоже не суждено было царствовать). Joseph Vivien (1657–1734). Людовик, герцог БургундскийВ 1745 женился на Марии Терезии Испанской (1726—1746), дочери Филиппа V и своей двоюродной тётке. Брак подкрепил антигабсбургский союз Бурбонов (Война за австрийское наследство). Луи-Мишель ван Ло. Король Испании Филипп V с семьей, 1745 l'Infante d'Espagne Marie-Thérèse-Raphaëlle, Dauphine (1726-1746) de Van Loo Louis-MichelОднако после родов дочери в 1746 Мария Тереза умерла (дочь пережила её ненадолго), и наследник женился вновь в 1747 на Марии Жозефе Саксонской, дочери Фридриха Августа II, курфюрста Саксонии и короля Польши (как Август III) и Марии Жозефы Австрийской. Пьетро Ротари (1707–1762) King Augustus III of Poland Розальба Каррьера (1675–1757) Мария Жозефа Австрийская Jean-Étienne Liotard - Portret van Marie Josèphe van SaksenЧетверо старших детей подряд от этого брака (две дочери и два сына) также умерли в детстве. Затем родились три будущих короля Франции: • Людовик, герцог Беррийский, впоследствии Людовик XVI.  François-Hubert Drouais (1756).Louis Auguste, duc de Berry (later Louis XVI, 1754–1793, King of France), and Louis-Stanislas-Xavier, comte de Provence (later Louis XVIII, 1755–1824, King of France) Жозеф-Сифред Дюплесси. Людовик XVI (1754-1793), король Франции и Наварры  Antoine-François Callet - Louis XVI, roi de France et de Navarre (1754-1793) Joseph-Siffrein Duplessis (1725–1802) Louis XVI in Coronation Robes• Станислав Ксавье, граф Прованский, впоследствии Людовик XVIII. François-Hubert Drouais. Louis-Stanislas-Xavier de France (1755-1824) Antoine-Jean Gros. Portrait of Louis XVIII in his coronation robes François Gérard - Louis XVIII, King of France Robert-Jacques-Francois-Faust Lefevre.Portrait of Louis XVIII 1755-1824 in coronation robes Франсуа Паскаль Симон Жерар (1770–1837) Louis XVIII Louis XVIII of France Louis XVIII, roi de France de Franque Jean-Pierre ,D'après Gérard François Pascal Simon, baron• Карл, граф д’Артуа, впоследствии Карл X.  Франсуа-Юбер Друэ. Карл, граф д’Артуа, впоследствии Карл X. - Karl X. (1757-1836) и Клотильда Французская Charles Philippe de France, comte d'Artois (1757-1836) de Danloux Henri-Pierre Henry Bone (1755–1834), Portrait of Charles X of France Paulin Jean Baptiste Guerin. Portrait of Charles X Portrait by François Pascal Simon Gérard, 1829. Portrait of Charles X of France in coronation robesУ дофина были также две выжившие дочери: Клотильда , впоследствии королева Сардинского королевства, жена Карла Эммануила IV, и незамужняя Елизавета («Мадам Елизавета»), казнённая вслед за братом во время революционного террора. Франсуа-Юбер Друэ. Клотильда Французская (1759-1802), королева Сардинии  Элизабет-Луиза Виже-Лебрен. Елизавета Французская Elisabeth Philippine Marie Hélène de France, Madame Elisabeth, soeur de Louis XVI (1764-1794) Elisabeth Vigée-LebrunСкончался в Фонтенбло от туберкулёза. Его пережили не только родители, но и дед Станислав Лещинский. Вдова дофина, Мария Жозефа Саксонская, умерла через два года (1767) от той же болезни. Stanislas Lesczinski (1677-1766), roi de Pologne de Girardet JeanДофин погребён не рядом с предками в базилике Сен-Дени, а в соборе в Сансе (в Сен-Дени покоится только его сердце). После казни его сына Людовика XVI в январе 1793 некоторые предлагали похоронить казнённого короля рядом с отцом. В марте 1794 останки дофина были выброшены якобинцами из Сансского собора, но после Реставрации в 1814 по показаниям очевидцев найдены и вновь возвращены в прежнюю гробницу.