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Steel Authority of India
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30 ноября 2016, 14:26

SAIL получила одобрение от правительства на продажу долей в подразделениях

Крупнейший в Индии производитель стали Steel Authority of India (SAIL) заявил, что получил одобрение от правительства страны на продажу долей в трех подразделениях. Так, компания намерена продать доли в сталелитейных заводах в городах Бхадравати, Салем и Дургапур посредством проведения двухэтапного аукциона.

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30 ноября 2016, 09:36

SAIL получила одобрение от правительства на продажу долей в подразделениях

Крупнейший в Индии производитель стали Steel Authority of India (SAIL) заявил, что получил одобрение от правительства страны на продажу долей в трех подразделениях. Так, компания намерена продать доли в сталелитейных заводах в городах Бхадравати, Салем и Дургапур посредством проведения двухэтапного аукциона.

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09 сентября 2016, 14:49

Компания Steel Authority of India заявила о квартальном убытке

Крупнейший в Индии производитель стали Steel Authority of India заявил о пятом кряду квартальном убытке. Так, ввиду снижения цен на сталь убыток расширился с 2,48 млрд рупий годом ранее до 5,36 млрд рупий ($81 млн). Продажи, тем временем, сократились на 3% г/г до 90,8 млрд рупий.

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09 сентября 2016, 12:23

Компания Steel Authority of India заявила о квартальном убытке

Крупнейший в Индии производитель стали Steel Authority of India заявил о пятом кряду квартальном убытке. Так, ввиду снижения цен на сталь убыток расширился с 2,48 млрд рупий годом ранее до 5,36 млрд рупий ($81 млн). Продажи, тем временем, сократились на 3% г/г до 90,8 млрд рупий.

18 августа 2016, 19:14

Индия ввела антидемпинговые пошлины на поставки х/к проката из Украины, Кореи, Китая и Японии

Правительство Индии ввело на срок 6 месяцев предварительные антидемпинговые пошлины в отношении стального холоднокатаного плоского проката происхождением из Украины, Кореи, Китая и Японии, говорится в опубликованном 17 августа сообщении Министерства финансов страны.

11 апреля 2016, 15:09

Красный след: самые масштабные зарубежные стройки Советского Союза

Сегодня развитие стран "третьего мира" считается долгом стран из числа "цивилизованных". Строительство масштабных проектов в развивающихся государствах финансируется за счет кредитов МВФ, загоняющих народы в долги на десятилетия вперед, причем проектирование и выбор подрядчиков строго подчинено интересам корпораций. С грабительскими процентами или без, деваться обычно некуда: беднякам выбирать не приходится.Но так было не всегда. Когда существовал "второй мир" — Советский Союз и примкнувшие к нему страны социалистического выбора, — русские строители по сложным кредитным схемам (большая часть долгов через некоторое время списывалась) возводили грандиозные сооружения в самых экзотических уголках планеты.Многое из построенного навсегда изменило жизнь миллионов людей, и до сих пор олицетворяет мощь Советского Союза, образуя своего рода "красный след" в истории беднейших стран мира — в первую очередь, в Азии.ИндонезияСтадион Гелора Бунг КарноОгромный стадион построен советскими специалистами на субсидированный кредит в 1960 году. Китай и СССР помогали борьбе Индонезии за независимость, Джакарту посещал Хрущев, позируя у макета будущего стадиона.На момент сдачи в эксплуатацию "Сенаян" вмещал 100 800 зрителей. В 2007 стадион перестроили, снизив число посадочных мест до 80 тысяч человек, но и в таком виде подарок Хрущева остается крупнейшим стадионом "страны тысячи островов". Увы, в 1965 в Индонезии случился кровавый переворот и массовая резня коммунистов. Вслед за отказом от "политической концепции Насаком", объединявшей национализм, коммунизм и религиозность, советские проекты в регионе были немедленно свернуты.Монумент МолодостиЛюбопытным примером "красного следа" является Patung Pemuda (Монумент Молодости). Огромная статуя работы советского скульптора Матвея Манизера символизирует вклад молодых поколений в развитие Индонезии, и исполнена в жанре соцреализма. Находчивые горожане со временем переименовали стоящую на оживленном перекрестке фигуру в "доставщика пиццы".Индия"Хинди-руси бхай-бхай" — об особом, теплом характере отношений СССР с братской страной слонов и джунглей знал каждый советский гражданин.Экономическая подоплека взаимной симпатии проста: в 50-60-е обе страны испытывали дефицит конвертируемой валюты (Индия испытывает его и сейчас), и находились под давлением Запада (негласных санкций). Соглашение о прямом обмене рубля на рупию при поставках товаров и оборудования позволило Индии обзавестись передовой промышленностью, а в магазинах Страны Советов появился "чай со слоном", и другие колониальные товары. В результате взаимовыгодного обмена к 1965 году СССР был вторым крупнейшим "вкладчиком" в промышленность и инфраструктуру Индии, а в 1967 с советским участием производилась четверть всей индийской стали, половина нефтепродуктов, и порядка 20% электроэнергии.Перечислим лишь некоторые из наиболее масштабных производств, созданных при участии Союза.Дамба ТериСамая высокая в Индии, и одна из самых высоких в мире, дамба Тери была построена на реке Бхагирати по советскому проекту 1961 года. Строительство затянулось на десятилетия (насыпь начали сооружать в 1978, советских специалистов привлекли в 1986, а пуск гидроэлектростанции состоялся лишь в 2006). Сегодня ГЭС Тери поставляет электричество в девять индийских штатов, включая Дели.Сталепромышленный завод БхилаиПостроен по советскому проекту и на советский кредит в 1959 году. Первый в Индии завод такого масштаба, он и по сей день является крупнейшим в стране производителем стальных слябов, и большинства рельсов для индийской железной дороги. Кроме того, производит ряд продуктов коксохимической промышленности. Из нынешних активов Steel Authority of India завод Бихлаи — крупнейший и наиболее прибыльный.Бокаро Стил СитиРайон Бокаро — один из наиболее индустриально освоенных в Индии, даже на официальном уровне переименованный в "Стальной Город". Крупнейшее предприятие в Бокаро — сталепромышленный комбинат, построенный СССР в 1965 г. Пять домен "сердца Стального Города" вмещают 4.5 миллиона тонн жидкой стали, а после модернизации этот объем рассчитывают нарастить до 10.Нефтеперегонный завод БарауниНефтеперегонный завод Barauni Refinery построен при участии СССР и по румынским технологиям в 1964 году. Производит автомобильное топливо различных фракций, машинные масла, другую продукцию нефтехимии. На старте позволял обрабатывать миллион тонн легкой ассамской нефти в год. К 1969 этот объем нарастили до 6 млн, а завод сделали "всеядным", добавив соответствующие модули для переработки тяжелых сортов нефти с высоким содержанием серы.ЕгипетСотрудничество СССР с Египтом неоднократно прерывалось внутриполитическими пертурбациями (военными переворотами) в этой североафриканской стране. Тем не менее, "красный след" заметен и здесь.Асуанская ГЭСДве дамбы Асуанской ГЭС, построенной в 1960 г. при участии технических специалистов СССР по проекту инженера Н. А. Малышева, перегораживают великую реку Нил близ древнего города Асуан. В результате образовалось т.н. "озеро Насера" — крупнейшее из египетских водохранилищ площадью водного зеркала 5250 кв. км.На момент постройки Асуанский гидроузел обеспечивал 50% электрогенерации в стране. С развитием энергетики Египта, эта доля упала до 12-15%. Зато водохранилище им. Насера по сей день служит предотвращению засух и наводнений, от которых регион периодически страдал на всем протяжении истории. Вокруг озера Насера также образовалось значительное количество рыбоводческих хозяйств.АфганистанОбщий перечень объектов, построенных СССР в Афганистане (как до, так и во время "вторжения для оказания интернациональной помощи"), насчитывает 142 наименования. Это гидроэлектростанции и плотины, ТЭС, ЛЭП, газопроводы, домостроительный комбинат, речной порт, каналы и водозаборы, аэропорты, школы, вузы, дороги, мосты, включая знаменитый "Мост Дружбы" на границе с Узбекистаном…Тоннель СалангПожалуй, наиболее известным объектом в Афганистане стал тоннель Саланг.Тоннель Саланг — автодорожный. Построен советскими специалистами, главным образом московскими метростроевцами, в 1958—1964 годах в районе перевала Саланг. Со времени начала эксплуатации и до 1973 года считался самым высокогорным автодорожным тоннелем в мире. Длина тоннеля — 3,6 километра, ширина проезжей части – 6 метров. Высота южного портала над уровнем моря около 3200 метров.В 1976 году в тоннеле Саланг провели электрификацию и установили систему вентиляции. После ухода СССР, в годы гражданской войны с талибами, перевал Саланг служил естественной преградой — в 1997 году вход в тоннель был взорван. В 2002 году движение по нему открылось вновь.КитайВ послевоенные годы "Красный Китай" получал львиную долю научно-технической помощи от Страны Советов — пока отношения не испортились в годы "хрущевского ревизионизма" и конфликтов из-за территориальной принадлежности о. Даманский.Советский Союз поставлял в Китай горно-шахтное, нефтебуровое, подъемно-транспортное и энерготехническое оборудование, экскаваторы, дорожно-строительные машины, приборы, подшипники, инструменты. Поставлялось и комплектное оборудование для целых заводов. Советский Союз передал КНР более тысячи комплектов проектной документации для строительства. Более половины машин, выпускаемых промышленностью Китая в годы первых пятилеток, создано по советской технической документации.При прямом содействии СССР в Китае было построено более 250 крупных промышленных предприятий, цехов и объектов. Вот лишь некоторые из них.Аньшаньский металлургический комбинатСогласно "Большой Советской Энциклопедии", "построен в 1916-18 японскими капиталистами, получившими концессию на разработку руды". В ходе военных против Японии, комбинат был разрушен, а после войны — восстановлен и расширен с помощью СССР. В 50-х годах комбинат производил порядка 60% всей продукции китайской черной металлургии, и даже к концу 80-х этот показатель упал лишь до 20%.Чанчуньский автомобильный завод ("Автозавод №1")Построенный по образу и подобию московского "Завода имени Сталина" (ЗиЛ), Чанчуньский "Автозавод №1" открылся в 1956. Над проектом работали более 20 советских организаций, изготовивших для Чанчуня 3736 единиц различных приспособлений, 236 кузнечных штампов, 6787 наименований специального инструмента.Первый китайский грузовик "Цзефань" ("Освобождение") представлял собой копию ЗиС-150 грузоподъемностью 4 тонны, а уже в 1958 Мао Цзэдун смог прокатиться на первой китайской "легковушке" модели "Дунфэн" ("Ветерок с Востока").Сегодня "Автозавод №1" вернулся в Россию своей продукцией — отечественный автолюбитель знает ее под брендом FAW (First Automobile Works).Каучуковые плантации, остров ХайнаньНеожиданным пунктом советских инвестиций на фоне предприятий тяжелой промышленности и энергетики смотрится создание каучуковых плантаций на острове Хайнань. Натуральный каучук долго оставался ценным и незаменимым товаром стратегического назначения.Главным производителем каучука в мире тогда была британская колония Малайзия. Испорченные после начала Холодной войны отношения с Британией не позволяли СССР обеспечить стабильный доступ к этому ценному сырью.Единственным "идеологически близким" регионом на планете, где имелись природные условия, подходящие для организации производства натурального каучука, оказался субтропический остров Хайнань. Осознавая этот потенциал, СССР и КНР последовательно двигались к тому, чтобы развивать каучуковую промышленность, о чем сохранилась обширная переписка между тов. Сталиным и тов. Мао. Программа включала в себя не только развитие, но и партизанскую борьбу китайских партизан против конкурентов в Малайзии.Весной 1950 года части НОАК высадились на Хайнань, и включили его в состав КНР. Уже через год СССР предоставил Китаю значительный целевой кредит для развития каучуконосных плантаций на острове Хайнань, а также распространения посадок гевеи на материковый Китай. Советские растениеводы помогали китайским в добывании редких семян гевеи, и грамотном уходе за насаждениями.Советско-китайская плантаторская задумка удалась: предприятия на Хайнане послужили образцом для развития мощной каучуковой промышленности Китая. В настоящее время Китай занимает пятое место в мире по площади таких плантаций, и объему производства натурального каучука. В провинциях Хайнань, Юньнань и Гуандун созданы несколько зон посадок гевеи.Перечисленными выше промышленными предприятиями "красный след" Советского Союза в Азии не исчерпывается. Мы много помогали Лаосу, Вьетнаму, Камбодже (главный рынок страны до сих пор называется "русским рынком"), многочисленным странам Африки…Сегодня Россия возвращается на многие традиционные для СССР рынки — уже не как щедрый жертвователь, но как деловой партнер. Отечественные наука и техника до сих пор остаются для многих регионов мира недосягаемыми по своей высоте.Возможно, со временем "русский след" в развивающихся странах окажется даже заметнее "красного".(текст М.Шахова)

30 марта 2016, 16:49

Индия продлила действие импортных пошлин на сталь

Индия продлевает действие заградительной пошлины на некоторые виды импортной стальной продукции до марта 2018 г., отмечается в сообщении Центрального управления акцизов и пошлин. Такое решение власти страны приняли из-за притока дешевой импортной стали в

30 марта 2016, 16:49

Индия продлила действие импортных пошлин на сталь

Индия продлевает действие заградительной пошлины на некоторые виды импортной стальной продукции до марта 2018 г., отмечается в сообщении Центрального управления акцизов и пошлин. Такое решение власти страны приняли из-за притока дешевой импортной стали

30 марта 2016, 16:49

Индия продлила действие импортных пошлин на сталь

Индия продлевает действие заградительной пошлины на некоторые виды импортной стальной продукции до марта 2018 г., отмечается в сообщении Центрального управления акцизов и пошлин. Такое решение власти страны приняли из-за притока дешевой импортной стали в

08 февраля 2016, 11:25

Индия в январе сократила импорт стали 3-й месяц подряд

Индия сократила в январе импорт стали по итогам третьего месяца подряд, поскольку правительство страны предпринимает меры против сильного притока металла на фоне его переизбытка на мировом рынке.

11 августа 2014, 15:25

India to begin $10B divestment plan for state-run companies

The new Indian government led by Narendra Modi is now scheduling the start of its $10B divestment plan of state-run companies for next month. It will begin with a 5% stake in the Steel Authority of India (OTC:SAUKF), the country’s biggest steel group by volume.Divestment of 5% stakes in Oil and Natural Gas Corporation and Coal India will raise a much larger sum around $5B.The Indian government plans to plug the country’s budget deficit with the help of such sales.Investor roadshows will begin in London, New York, Hong Kong and Singapore in September with the aim of raising an estimated $300M-$330M.ETFs: EPI, SCIF, INDY, PIN, INDL, INP, INXX, INDA, SCIN, SMIN, INCO Post your comment!

Выбор редакции
10 августа 2014, 16:00

India to start divestments with steel group

The Indian government will launch its $10bn divestment plan for state companies with the sale of 5 per cent of Steel Authority of India

Выбор редакции
10 августа 2014, 16:00

India to start divestments with steel group

The Indian government will launch its $10bn divestment plan for state companies with the sale of 5 per cent of Steel Authority of India

Выбор редакции
13 июня 2014, 16:23

Leak at India Plant Kills Six

Six people died and 30 people were injured after being exposed to poisonous gases during maintenance work at one of state-run Steel Authority of India's oldest steel plants.

Выбор редакции
14 августа 2013, 15:34

Индия: квартальная прибыль Steel Authority снизилась на 35%

Второй по величине в Индии сталелитейщик Steel Authority of India сообщил о снижении квартальной прибыли на 35% в связи с падением цен из-за ослабевающего спроса. Так, чистая прибыль в первом фискальном квартале составила 4,51 млрд рупий ($73 млн) или 1,09 рупии на акцию по сравнению с 6,96 млрд рупий или 1,69 рупии на бумагу годом ранее. Аналитики, в свою очередь, прогнозировали 2,89 млрд рупий. Выручка за рассматриваемый период упала на 5% до 101,1 млрд рупий.

13 марта 2013, 03:50

Want to Reduce the Debt? Cut the Billions a Year In Nuclear Subsidies

We’ve previously documented that even top nuclear executives admit that nuclear energy is expensive, and only survives due to massive government subsidies. Time noted in 2008: Lovins [a veteran energy expert and chairman of the Rocky Mountain Institute] notes that the U.S. nuclear industry has received $100 billion in government subsidies over the past half-century, and that federal subsidies now worth up to $13 billion a plant — roughly how much it now costs to build one — still haven’t encouraged private industry to back the atomic revival. At the same time, the price of building a plant — all that concrete and steel — has risen dramatically in recent years, while the nuclear workforce has aged and shrunk. Nuclear supporters like Moore who argue that atomic plants are much cheaper than renewables tend to forget the sky-high capital costs, not to mention the huge liability risk of an accident …. The conservative Cato Institute reported in 2003: With federal government spending through the roof and projected deficits setting new records every day, it is perhaps surprising that the Bush administration and Congress want to use billions of taxpayer dollars to single-handedly resurrect the moribund nuclear industry. Old habits, however, die hard. The federal government has always maintained a unique public-private partnership with the nuclear industry, wherein the costs of nuclear power are shared by the public but the profits are enjoyed privately. [crony capitalism, anyone?]   ***   A recent report by Scully Capital Services, an investment banking and financial services firm, commissioned by the Department of Energy (DOE), highlighted three federal subsidies and regulations — termed “show stoppers” — without which the industry would grind to a halt. These “show stoppers” include the Price Anderson Act, which limits the liability of the nuclear industry in case of a serious nuclear accident — leaving taxpayers on the hook for potentially hundreds of billions in compensation costs; federal disposal of nuclear waste in a permanent repository, which will save the industry billions at taxpayer expense; and licensing regulations, wherein the report recommends that the Nuclear Regulatory Commission further grease the skids of its quasi-judicial licensing process to preclude successful interventions from opponents. But even these long-standing subsidies are not enough to convince investors, who for decades have treated nuclear power as the pariah of the energy industry.   ***   The most egregious proposal in the energy bill has the federal government providing loan guarantees covering 50 percent of the cost of building 8,400 Megawatts of new nuclear power, the equivalent of six or seven new power plants. The Congressional Research Service estimated that these loan guarantees alone would cost taxpayers $14 to $16 billion. The Congressional Budget Office believes “the risk of default on such a loan guarantee to be very high — well above 50 percent. The key factor accounting for the risk is that we expect that the plant would be uneconomic to operate because of its high construction costs, relative to other electricity generation sources.” But that’s not all. The bill also authorizes the federal government to enter into power purchase agreements wherein the federal government would buy back power from the newly built plants — potentially at above market rates.   Keeping this provision in the energy bill will result in a double taxation: once to build the plants and then to buy back the power from the newly built plants. This would be like paying for your kids’ education and then agreeing to pay them a salary once they graduate. The Union of Concerned Scientists pointed out in 2010: The nuclear power industry is seeking tens of billions in new subsidies and other incentives in federal climate and energy legislation that would shift massive construction, financing, operating and regulatory costs and risks from the industry and its financial backers to U.S. taxpayers.  Congress should reject these overly generous subsidies to this mature industry whose history of skyrocketing costs and construction overruns already has resulted in two costly bailouts by taxpayers and captive ratepayers—once in the 1970s and 1980s when utilities cancelled or abandoned more than 100 plants, and again in the 1990s when plant owners offloaded their “stranded costs.” [The "stranded costs" totaled more than the entire Saving and Loan scandal.] Too late … Beyond Nuclear reports: In 2005, the Energy Policy Act provided another $13 billion of subsidies, tax incentives and other support for the nuclear power industry. It also created the energy loan guarantee program.   In December 2007, Congress and George W. Bush approved $20.5 billion in nuclear loan guarantees under this program ($18.5 billion for new atomic reactors, $2 billion for new uranium enrichment facilities).   During the week of May 25, 2009, the US House approved a “Clean Energy Bank” that would include nuclear power loans, loan guarantees, and other subsidies. Physicians for Social Responsibility – which won the Nobel Peace Price – noted that – as of 2010 – nuclear companies received tens of billions of dollars in new subsidies, including: Research and Development Generation IV program to develop new reactor designs Research and development of radioactive waste reprocessing and transmutation technologies Investment in human resources and infrastructure in the nuclear sciences and engineering fields through fellowships and visiting scientist programs; student training programs; collaborative research with industry, national laboratories, and universities; upgrading and sharing of research reactors; and technical assistance Licensing Nuclear Power 2010, a taxpayer-industry cost-share program to fund Nuclear Regulatory Commission licensing of new reactors, as well as the certification of Generation 3.5 reactor designs One-step construction and operation license application process that limits public participation Construction subsidies ~ $3.25 billion + $18.5 billion in loan guarantees $18.5 billion in loan guarantees for new reactors. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the default rate is “very high – well above 50 percent.” Authorization of $2 billion in “risk insurance” to pay the industry for any delays in construction and operation licensing for 6 new reactors, including delays due to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission or litigation. The payments would include interest on loans and the difference between the market price and the contractual price of power. Authorization of more than $1.25 billion for a nuclear reactor in Idaho to generate hydrogen fuel Operating subsidies ~ $5.7 billion + Limited Liability Reauthorization of the Price-Anderson Act, extending the industry’s liability cap to cover new nuclear power plants built in the next 20 years Incentives for “modular” reactor designs (such as the pebble bed reactor, which has never been built anywhere in the world) by allowing a combination of smaller reactors to be considered one unit, thus lowering the amount that the nuclear operator is responsible to pay under Price-Anderson Production tax credits of 1.8-cent for each kilowatt-hour up to 6,000 megawatts of nuclear-generated electricity from new reactors during the first 8 years of operation, costing $5.7 billion in revenue losses to the U.S. Treasury through 2025 Radioactive waste subsidies ~ $22 billion thus far + guaranteed waste removal DOE-utility contracts guaranteeing that the nuclear waste will be removed from the site within 10 year of shutdown or the US taxpayer pays for spend fuel storage costs One mil (one-tenth of one cent) per kilowatt-hour paid by ratepayers receiving electricity from nuclear reactors to pay for a geologic repository for the spent fuel; the Nuclear Waste Fund currently has $22 billion Shut-down subsidies ~ $1.3 billion Changes the rules for nuclear decommissioning funds that are to be used to clean up closed nuclear plant sites by repealing the cost of service requirement for contributions to a fund and allowing the transfer of pre-1984 decommissioning costs to a qualified fund, costing taxpayers $1.3 billion The government has paid out substantial sums in new subsidies – including loan guarantees – for expensive new reactors at Vogtle.  The reactors are already way over budget … and are plagued by Solyndra-like issues of cronyism, secretive non-disclosure, and mismanagement. Moreover, the American government has been wholly subsidizing the nuclear industry for decades through its concerted campaign to hide the dangers of radiation …  and to cover up the number and scope of accidents.  That’s a subsidy worth … as much as all nuclear profits ever.  In other words, trillions. And politicians – including Obama – are also subsidizing the American nuclear industry by lobbying foreign countries like India to impose American-style government insurance for their reactors. And perhaps the biggest taxpayer subsidy of all is that nation our nation could spend trillions – or go bankrupt – in the likely event of a major nuclear accident (and see this.) The bottom line is that if we want to reduce the debt, we should stop all nuclear subsidies. Important Note:  Claims that nuclear is good for the environment and reduces climate change are entirely false claims pushed by the nuclear lobby.

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05 марта 2013, 12:37

India targets $600m from steel stake sale

Roadshows to push 10.82% stake in Steel Authority of India, despite recent falls in share price of country’s largest domestic steel company by output

02 января 2013, 21:37

In the wake of the Delhi bus rape, what is the future for India?

The gang rape and murder of a young woman last month has sparked furious protests in India – and given voice to an emerging political class. It has also highlighted the urban sprawl and violence that lie behind the country's booming economyMahipalpur is not a place you will find on many tourist guides to India. Once a village, now a cluster of cheap hotels, roadside restaurants and bus stops around a major road junction on the outskirts of Delhi, it is a place many pass by but few seek out.The huge, new billion-dollar international airport terminal lies a mile or so away, across construction sites, wasteland and rubbish tips, obscured now by a thick winter fog, a mixture of smoke from wood fires and pollution. Concrete pillars of a recently constructed metro link, which worked for a few months but has been out of commission for many more, loom. Tens of thousands of people pass Mahipalpur every day. Few stop.It was here, in the dirt beside a ramp leading to the flyover carrying an eight-lane highway, at 10.20pm on 16 December, that a bus briefly stopped and a semi-conscious woman and her male companion were dumped, naked and badly injured, on the ground. This being India, a crowd quickly gathered. Passing cars slowed. After 40 minutes, someone called the police, who fetched sheets from one of the nearby hotels to cover the couple and took them to hospital.Arrive at almost any of the new airports being built across India outside its major cities, and head to the heritage sites or the better, long-established hotels, and you will pass through a Mahipalpur. These are the grey zones around India's rapidly expanding urban centres. Little happens here that makes it into the local newspapers, let alone the western press. Yet India's myriad Mahipalpurs may hold the key to the country's future.In the three weeks since the gang rape and murder of the as-yet-unnamed 23-year-old woman by six men on a moving bus in south Delhi, there has been a great deal of comment in the western media about the nature of modern India. Many appear surprised to have suddenly discovered something that appears to contradict the "booming India" story. When Boris Johnson visited India last year, he described two sights on his journey into Delhi from the airport that, for him, encapsulated the country. One was a Jaguar car, symbol of India's economic success, overseas clout and potential as a market. The second was an elephant being washed by its mahout, representing traditional, exotic India, unchanged and, happily, unchangeable. This week it is difficult to imagine anyone being quite so blithely inattentive to the complex realities of this vast and varied nation.One of the first stories I covered on my return to India three years ago was the violence between Maoist guerrillas, Communist party thugs and various other factions in the desperately poor district of West Midnapore, in the vast state of West Bengal. This appeared to be old India at its worst, a combination of grinding poverty and brutal killings. I interviewed a woman whose husband had just been executed by Maoist guerillas who accused him of being a spy for the police. Nearby, other villagers complained of militia, run by the local government, who burned homes down and raped, apparently at will.Although the catalyst for the wave of violence in West Midnapore was imminent state elections, the killings had started years earlier, when a major steel project was announced in the area. Such a project would have created jobs, wealth – and much opportunity for whoever controlled the area to indulge in immensely profitable racketeering. It was rooted not in the lack of change – but in the coming of change.A few months later, I reported a particularly egregious "honour killing", one of the hundreds, if not thousands, that take place each year in India. The male teenage relatives of a young woman had killed her and her supposed lover with an unlicensed "country" pistol before fleeing. They lived not in a remote village but in the north-west of Delhi. All of those involved in the murders lived nonetheless on frontiers: between Wazirpur, their working-class neighbourhood, and Ashok Vihar, the adjacent upmarket suburb; between the increasingly cosmopolitan Indian capital and its deeply conservative hinterland; between the crushing poverty of their parents' childhoods and the relative wealth of their own.In 2011, an investigation into a hitman who bragged of killing a hundred or more people took me to a small village an hour from Delhi, to Ghaziabad, a rough and violent town that is now part of the Indian capital's urban sprawl, and to Gurgaon, another satellite city just a 10-minute drive from Mahipalpur. Jaggu Pehelwan had grown up in the village, was part of a gang based in Ghaziabad and found most of his targets and clients in Gurgaon, among businessman and criminals based among the call centres, multinational corporations, five-star hotels and luxury malls.It was the opportunity, the wealth, the corruption and the chaos of new India that had made Pehlawan, who otherwise would have been a small-time thug in his village, what he was. Pehlewan existed in a world of Mahipalpurs – cheap hotels, cheap restaurants, parties fuelled by locally made foreign liquor and escorts. He had taken holidays to Goa and Kashmir, the two classic middle-class Indian destinations, and had bought a big four-wheel drive, a classic Indian middle-class acquisition that he drove, for fun, on the new expressways near his village homes. One of these leads to Noida and the new Formula One circuit, a $400m project. Beyond the half-built apartment blocks around the track are the villages of farmers who had once tilled the ground beneath the Tarmac. Many have received huge sums as compensation for their land. Others have not. This too has generated tension.All these places – Ghaziabad, Gurgaon, Noida, even Mahipalpur – will grow in the coming years. This urban sprawl will not just be limited to Delhi and its environs, where around 17 million people already live. Most experts say that further urbanisation is necessary for India's economic growth to continue; the new middle classes will want apartments and parks and roads and schools. There is a huge youth bulge pushing through. Some 290 million people were living in cities in India in 2001, a figure that rose to 340 million in 2008 and is set to reach 590 million, around 40% of the population, by 2030. By that year, business consultant McKinsey and Co predicts, there will be 68 Indian cities of more than a million people, 13 with more than 4 million and six megacities with populations of 10 million or more. More than 30 million people will live in Mumbai and 26 million in Delhi. By then the dominant feature of modern India may well not be the rural village or the picturesque forts and saris of the tourist brochures but the nondescript, semi-finished, ragged-edged, semi-urban, semi-rural world that is simultaneously neither and both of them.The six suspected rapists certainly inhabited this "inbetween" world. All grew up in poor, socially conservative rural communities in some of the most backward, violent parts of the country and frequently returned to their villages. Ram Singh, the 35-year-old bus driver who is alleged to be the ringleader, and his younger brother Mukesh, came from Karauli in Rajasthan. The district may be only a few hours drive from the Taj Mahal but honour killings, banditry and violence between castes, the tenacious millennia-old social hierarchy, are endemic there. Another of the suspects came from southern Bihar, as poor and lawless a spot as anywhere in India. A fourth was from Basti, a small town near the border with Nepal, a bad place in a state, Uttar Pradesh (UP), that has socio-economic indicators worse than many parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Bihar and UP, along with the more prosperous Haryana and Punjab, are states in which the killing of female foetuses and girls is common practice.But all were living in Delhi, in an unregistered semi-legal squatters' "colony" or "camp" in the south of the city that itself is a halfway house between village and urban life. In Ravi Dass colony, named after a 15th-century saint, children return from classes in fashion design or medicine at local colleges to mothers cooking on open wood-fired clay stoves. It too is a zone of transition, barely policed, where, as they would do in a village, neighbours enforce order and the authorities are rarely seen. "We are good people," one inhabitant said this weekend. There was little "eve-teasing" – as sexual harrassment is often euphemistically called in India – because fathers would unite to ensure anyone troubling their daughters stopped. But beyond the colony, there were no such constraints. Out on the streets of Delhi, there were no neighbours, no angry fathers a few yards away, and, as with most Indian cities, only rare, inefficient and often corrupt police.The victim too lived on the fringes of Delhi: in Dwarka, a sprawl of flats and construction sites developed in phases since the mid-1960s to the south-west of the city. It too is a place of constant change as it expands into the semi-rural hinterland. Her father, from a small provincial town, had got a job as a loader at Delhi airport. His daughter's recent qualification as a physiotherapist meant her family was thus well on the way to fulfilling its aspirations of respectability, relative economic comfort and broader opportunity for the next generation. On the evening of the assault, she and her friend were returning from a cinema in Saket, one of two multiplexes at a well-known and extremely popular modern shopping mall. The moment they climbed into the unlicensed private bus driven by their attackers the good and the bad elements of India's ongoing transformation collided.In India this week the protests are now beginning to die away and the media coverage is diminishing. The charge sheet against the six accused – 1,000 pages long – will be entered formally in court tomorrow. Police have said they will seek a death sentence. Some legislation will be passed. There will be fast-track courts set up, harsher penalties for rape introduced and a few other measures. The issue will not be forgotten but the rapes that currently appear on the front of local newspapers will slide inexorably towards less-prominent pages.The deeper question is which part of India's transition wins in the long run; is Mahipalpur a zone of chaos and lawlessness where the badly injured are dumped, or something better?If there is hope it is because, beyond the scale of violence to women in India and a myriad other social problems, something else has been revealed: a vast gulf between many in this huge country and the people who rule them, at least at a national level. And importantly, recent weeks have seen the mobilisation of a new political force.For decades, politics in India has involved deference, hierarchy and handouts, or archaic ideologies unchanged since the cold war. It is likely that elderly men dependent on hundreds of thousands of carefully marshalled votes in conservative rural areas will hold on to power for some time to come. But the largely unplanned, spontaneous protests, and the media attention they have commanded, have demonstrated something new: the existence of large numbers of young, educated, urban potential voters who will no longer tolerate a largely unaccountable, unresponsive political elite and bureaucracy incapable of performing the most fundamental tasks. As the cities grow so, one can reasonably hope that such voices will grow more numerous. Brinda Karat, a Communist member of parliament, said last week that "a turning point had been reached" now that young women had "sensed and seen" the power that they could have when united. This may be premature but yesterday protesters at the dwindling demonstrations across Delhi were adamant that change would indeed come.Ayesha Bhatt, a 22-year-old student who had travelled to Delhi from the city of Moradabad, five hours to the north, to light a candle at the site where the victims of the attack mounted the bus, said it was "impossible to imagine that the country will sit back and say chalta hai [all is going to be fine].""We are not a chalta hai generation," she said.But down at Mahipalpur in the winter fog, snarling, honking traffic crawled past the roadside wasteland where the victim and her friend had been dumped. Commuters queued for crowded, unlicenced buses. A beggar tapped on the window of a stationary Mercedes. A plane roared overhead. Two women argued over a spilled basket of bruised and blackened bananas. A weak string of streetlights flickered into life, sent a brief wavering light into the gloom and then went out.IndiaWomenJason Burkeguardian.co.uk © 2013 Guardian News and Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds

25 октября 2012, 18:38

Guest Post: Is The World Abandoning The U.S. Economy?

Submitted by Brandon Smith of Alt-Market blog, Go to any university, any center of equities trade, any meeting place for financial academia, any fiscal think tank, and they will tell you without the slightest hint of doubt in their eyes that the U.S. economy is essential to the survival of the world.  To even broach the possibility that the U.S. could be dropped or replaced as the central pillar of trade on the planet is greeted with sneers and even anger.  But let’s set aside what we think (or what we assume) we know about the American financial juggernaut and consider the sordid history of the money powerhouse myth.  Germany, especially in the decade leading up to WWI, was an industrial giant, rivaling Britain in the production of raw commodities like steel, as well as the banking envy of the world.  I’m sure very few economists of the era would have given any credence to the idea that the German foundation would in the near future collapse into hyperinflationary ruin.  However, that is exactly what it did.  In the span of 10 to 15 years, Germany was completely supplanted as the shining beacon of economic prosperity, never to return to a similar glory. The British Empire from WWII up until the late 1950’s was the primary force in the global trade of oil, and the pound-sterling was dominant in the export and import of raw petroleum between nations.  Extreme debt obligations and draining interventions in the Middle East set Britain on the path to currency devaluation, and the loss of its coveted reserve status.  The point is, there is no such thing as an invincible economy, especially if it is predicated on overt debt creation, fiat printing, and reckless foreign policy.  When it comes down to the raw data, the American system is just as fragile as any corrupt third world shanty-town nation.  The possibility of a U.S. without financial hegemony is very real.  To understand that this possibility exists is one thing; to understand that the process of destabilization has already begun is another.  Many analysts with their heads stuck in the mainstream clouds attempt to argue against the “theory” of foreign markets decoupling from the U.S., not realizing that their entire debate platform is pointless because the decoupling is happening right under their noses…  The recent press covering the ongoing plan by BRIC nations (or “BRICS” if you count the latest bilateral agreements with South Africa) to establish their own supranational banking hub merely highlights the fact that developing countries are not simply “talking” about decoupling from the United States, they are taking actions to make it happen: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-10-16/goldman-sachs-s-o-neill-sees-brics-bank-gathering-momentum-1-.html The response from mainstream financial analysts is, of course, that the project for a BRIC bank will fail.  Their argument, however, usually revolves around the assumption that this new central bank is designed to “compete” with the IMF, and is a merely an overreaction to the IMF and World Bank’s failure to give developing nations more inclusion in decision making processes.  I see no evidence that the BRICS are trying to create a counter-system which would conflict with IMF control.  Instead, it would seem that the BRICS are much more interested in forcing the issue of greater inclusion, and garnering greater favor within the already existing IMF structure: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/19/imf-idUSL2E8FJ90K20120419 Last year the G20 discussed heightened participation by China and the BRICS in the IMF’s global basket currency, the SDR.  French Finance Minister and later “elected” IMF chief Christine Lagarde agreed with the idea while stating that certain conditions, including appreciation of the Yuan’s value, would have to take place: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-12905205 Contrary to the belief that the BRICS are building opposition to the IMF, China has on several occasions called for the EXPANSION of the IMF’s power, as well as widespread circulation of the SDR: http://www.businessweek.com/news/2011-11-03/chinese-president-hu-calls-for-reform-of-imf-sdr-currency-basket.html How have the MSM talking heads missed this trend?  Simply put:  Bias, controlled and pre-written talking points from their editors, as well as many half-baked presumptions.  The popular belief amongst financial academia is that the IMF is a product of American economic might, and that the organization will do whatever is in the best interests of the U.S. at all times.  The reality is that the IMF is fast becoming the central authority of economic operations around the globe, and America just happens to be paying the largest “tithe” to the respective coffers of the banking syndicate.  Do you get more control in the operations of the IRS when you pay more taxes?  The IMF’s goal is world centralization of economic control.  For them, any sovereign nation is expendable in pursuit of the end game, including the United States.  The IMF would not be pushing the issuance of a new world reserve currency to unseat the dollar if they did not intend to follow through, and they certainly would not hobble the greenback if they cared in the slightest about American economic concerns.     Rather than running counter to the IMF, BRIC partners and the newly realized ASEAN bloc are making themselves indispensible to the globalists, ensuring wider partnership in the near future.  A BRIC central bank is, I believe, a bargaining chip to be used to open the door to more leadership in the IMF while reducing American influence.  To summarize, the BRICS are not in conflict with the IMF, rather, they are in conflict with the U.S., and this conflict is coming to a climax… Trade amongst BRIC nations continues to climb while exports to the U.S. have diminished.  Between 2001 and 2009, exports and imports between BRICS skyrocketed, even amidst the derivatives collapse: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-13046521 Last year, ASEAN overtook Japan as China’s third largest trading partner.  With the announcement of increased participation by Japan in the ASEAN bloc this year, the economic body looks poised to eclipse the U.S. and perhaps even the EU as China’s primary source of export and import business:http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp_asiapacific_business/view/1197997/1/.html Meanwhile, overall exports around the world have dropped for five consecutive months in 2012 on slowing demand in the West.   The expectation of a massive resurgence in consumer demand from the U.S. has been proven unfounded, while the recession in the EU is exacerbating the downturn.  U.S. exporters, who not long ago held dreams of foreign buyers clamoring for goods in the midst of Federal Reserve inflation and dollar devaluation, have discovered that they are instead floundering:http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/23/business/global/chinas-slowing-economy-puts-pressure-on-american-exporters.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1& The mainstream claim is that this is due to a breakdown in general Chinese demand, but with exponential bilateral trade deals (many of which cut out the U.S. dollar completely as a reserve currency) being made between China and major producing and consuming countries, it is clear that this is not just a demand issue in China; it is an ongoing process of removal of the U.S. from the trading picture.  That is to say, China is deliberately reducing purchases of U.S. goods and turning towards BRIC and ASEAN partner countries to fill the void.  This may be the reason why China recently surpassed the U.S. as the top sanctuary for foreign investment: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203406404578074683825139320.html?mod=asia_home A Treasury report on China’s status as a “currency manipulator” already due but now delayed until after the elections may become the catalyst for the final phase of the global shunning of American markets.  With China being presented as a primary issue during the presidential debates, it would seem that regardless of who “wins” the election there will be strain applied to Chinese trade relations.    China’s incredible gold buying extravaganzas over the past few years (including an estimated 500 tons in 2011 and another 500 tons so far in 2012) indicate that they are indeed hedging against what they obviously expect will be devaluation in the dollar or multiple currencies around the world including the dollar.  India continues its long tradition of gold buying, while Russia is now increasing its reserves by half-a-billion dollars a month.  These are the actions of countries getting ready for a break in the financial system, not a recovery, and certainly not a return to the old days of American consumer bliss. The argument over whether or not the BRICS and the rest of the world can drop the U.S. economy and move onward has, ultimately, been rendered obsolete.  Many will claim that a decoupling is impossible, but the fact remains that a decoupling is taking place.  The consequences of this fiscal divorce remain to be seen, and the mainstream could very easily predict disaster for the BRICS.  The real question they should be asking themselves, though, is which countries are better placed to survive such an event?  Is the U.S. economy really built to withstand a loss of the dollar as the world reserve currency?  Is the U.S. prepared for plummeting foreign investment and a reduction in its already dismal production capacity (production taking place by Americans on American soil, that is)?  Is the U.S. really ready for extreme inflation in imported goods (most of the goods we consume)?  Who really needs who more?  It is time for the pundits and average Americans alike to set aside their commercialized and subsidized fake patriotism and question how strong our economy truly is.  To ignore vast weakness today, is to feel vast pain tomorrow…