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21 ноября, 13:05

Kenya Supreme Court upholds election rerun, sparking celebrations, protests

The court validated October’s election but opposition leader Odinga remains defiant.

21 ноября, 13:02

The most cutting-edge gifts for the techie in your life

Here are some suggestions for gifts to delight those who are always looking at the hottest tech products.

21 ноября, 12:58

The Information Pharms Race and Competitive Dynamics of Precision Medicine: Insights from Game Theory -- by Ernst R. Berndt, Mark R. Trusheim

Precision medicines inherently fragment treatment populations, generating small-population markets, creating high-priced "niche busters" rather than broadly prescribed "blockbusters". It is plausible to expect that small markets will attract limited entry in which a small number of interdependent differentiated product oligopolists will compete, each possessing market power. Multiple precision medicine market situations now resemble game theory constructs such as the prisoners' dilemma and Bertrand competition. The examples often involve drug developer choices created by setting the cut-off value for the companion diagnostics to define the precision medicine market niches and their payoffs. Precision medicine game situations may also involve payers and patients who attempt to change the game to their advantage or whose induced behaviors alter the payoffs for the developers. The variety of games may predictably array themselves across the lifecycle of each precision medicine indication niche and so may become linked into a sequentially evolving meta-game. We hypothesize that certain precision medicine areas such as inflammatory diseases are becoming complex simultaneous multi-games in which distinct precision medicine niches compete. Those players that learn the most rapidly and apply those learnings the most asymmetrically will be advantaged in this ongoing information pharms race.

21 ноября, 12:58

Service-level Selection: Strategic Risk Selection in Medicare Advantage in Response to Risk Adjustment -- by Sungchul Park, Anirban Basu, Norma Coe, Fahad Khalil

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has phased in the Hierarchical Condition Categories (HCC) risk adjustment model during 2004-2006 to more accurately estimate capitated payments to Medicare Advantage (MA) plans to reflect each beneficiary's health status. However, it is debatable whether the CMS-HCC model has led to strategic evolutions of risk selection. We examine the competing claims and analyze the risk selection behavior of MA plans in response to the CMS-HCC model. We find that the CMS-HCC model reduced the phenomenon that MA plans avoid high-cost beneficiaries in traditional Medicare plans, whereas it led to increased disenrollment of high-cost beneficiaries, conditional on illness severity, from MA plans. We explain this phenomenon in relation to service-level selection. First, we show that MA plans have incentives to effectuate risk selection via service-level selection, by lowering coverage levels for services that are more likely to be used by beneficiaries who could be unprofitable under the CMS-HCC model. Then, we empirically test our theoretical prediction that compared to the pre-implementation period (2001-2003), MA plans have raised copayments disproportionately more for services needed by unprofitable beneficiaries than for other services in the post-implementation period (2007-2009). This induced unprofitable beneficiaries to voluntarily dis-enroll from their MA plans. Further evidence supporting this selection mechanism is that those dissatisfied with out-of-pocket costs were more likely to dis-enroll from MA plans. We estimate that such strategic behavior led MA plans to save $5.2 billion by transferring the costs to the federal government.

21 ноября, 12:57

The Economic Security of Older Women

Today, the Office of Economic Policy at the Treasury Department released the fourth in a series of briefs exploring the economic security of American households. This brief​ focuses on the economic security of older women. In this brief, we ask: Are older women at greater risk of poverty or being unable to manage their expenses than other populations? Are there specific groups of women at risk? What are the implications for policy? Compared with men, we find that elderly women are much more likely to be economically insecure. We attribute this finding to a variety of factors. Women live longer than men, meaning they have to finance a longer retirement and that they are more likely to reach an age in which they must finance disability costs.  In addition, women tend to have lower lifetime earnings than men. Finally, women are more likely than men to live alone and thus are less likely to live with someone with whom to share economic risks.  In this brief, we assess economic insecurity in a number of ways but focus on two measures: the poverty rate and the “overextended” rate—the share of the population whose spending exceeds what it can afford based on its income and annuitized wealth. We view this latter measure as reflecting economic insecurity, because elderly women who are overextended and on fixed incomes must reduce spending to live within their means. For women with low levels of consumption, this could entail cutting back on necessities like food and medicine. Comparing different measures of economic security, we find that the overextended share of the female population is 29 percent, far higher than the poverty rate of 12 percent. The implication is that economic insecurity is broader than the poverty rate implies. We find that single women are far more economically insecure on all measures than married women and that widowhood dramatically increases the likelihood of becoming insecure relative to remaining married. Widowhood is associated with a large loss in income and wealth; and while widows experience a large drop in household spending at widowhood, they continue to cut spending at rates faster than single women and married households.  We also find that disability is associated with economic insecurity. The median disabled woman’s household assets (including non-liquid assets like housing) are sufficient only to finance six months in a nursing home, and the median disabled woman’s household has financial wealth sufficient to cover less than half a month of nursing home expenses. Women who remain married throughout their elderly years, on the other hand, do not experience high rates of economic insecurity. And holding constant marital status and disability status, we do not observe sharp increases in economic insecurity as women age. Notably, even though the poverty rate rises for women as they age, the overextended rate falls as women rely more on wealth to support themselves.   All told, our findings suggest that public policy should focus on specific risks associated with aging, particularly living alone and living with a disability. We note that married couples might benefit from shifting more of their wealth from periods in which both spouses are alive to periods in which only one spouse is alive. Such an outcome could be accomplished in the private sector with greater use of financial products with survivor benefits. Experts have also suggested ways that public policy could help address the challenge, such as by restructuring Social Security to increase survivor benefits. Looking at disability, we note that while Medicaid and private long-term care insurance provide protection for some households, there is still a large unmet need that is apparent when looking at the economic security risks posed by disability. Karen Dynan is the Assistant Secretary of Economic Policy at the Department of the Treasury.

21 ноября, 12:57

Harnessing the Power of Financial Data

​ For more than 200 years, Treasury has been managing the resources of the Federal government and embracing advancements and cutting-edge practices. Today we have an opportunity to create a more data-driven government that empowers our leaders to make more strategic decisions and provide the public with greater access and insight on how taxpayer money is spent. The ongoing Digital Accountability and Transparency Act (DATA Act) implementation, in which Treasury is playing a leading role, is providing that opportunity as agencies work to meet new standards that could enable the use of data and analytics. In 1990, the Chief Financial Officers Act of 1990 (CFO Act) established a vision for federal financial management to “provide for the production of complete, reliable, timely, and consistent financial information for use by the executive branch of the Government and the Congress in the financing, management, and evaluation of Federal programs.” Significant achievements have been made to maintain and report high-quality financial data — but the full vision of the CFO Act is still a work in progress. The 24 CFO Act agencies have been successful at promoting new accounting and reporting standards, generating auditable financial statements, strengthening internal controls, improving financial management systems and enhancing performance information. However, there is room for growth in the way financial reporting adapts to the evolving information technology landscape. Through the DATA Act implementation process Treasury has developed a DATA Act Information Model Schema (DAIMS) that links the financial data produced by agency CFOs with other spending data on Federal awards — including grants, loans and procurement data (as well as other related attributes). This new data set includes more than 400 data elements and significantly expands the data available to agency CFOs and other agency leadership. The DAIMS can also be extended to link to other administrative and program data to support data-driven decision-making.   A New Vision for Federal Financial Management   Treasury’s vision for a 21st century Federal Finance Organization includes five key levels based on leading private sector benchmarks for finance organizations. The first level covers the basics for any finance organization — budget formulation and transaction processing. The second level includes fundamental financial policies and regulatory controls to ensure appropriate accountability. Most agencies have achieved levels one and two. Levels three and above are where agencies can begin to see the added value in the investment of high-quality data and internal controls. This data can now be managed and used to support decision-making and to improve operations and outcomes.     In addition to leading the government-wide implementation of the DATA Act, Treasury is also required to implement the law as an individual agency. As an implementing agency, Treasury is taking a data management and service delivery perspective, satisfying both internal and external customers who are demanding dynamic visualizations of data, meaningful reports and management dashboards. The DATA Act provides a unique opportunity to provide authoritative and standardized data across the enterprise to meet various needs, which fits into the new vision for Federal Financial Management above.    At Treasury, we are expanding our data analytics and reporting efforts to gain more value from our data. The Department has been working internally to link existing enterprise data management activities to a financial data governance program working across the C suite and internal organizations. Treasury is also envisioning a new financial data service portal that will serve as the central repository for all Treasury financial data where agency leadership will have access to data, tools and resources to conduct program research and visualize the data in new ways, starting with DATA Act related insights. This data infrastructure will allow us to provide greater transparency and also create a more modern 21st century Federal Finance Organization that is a better steward of public resources. We believe that better data leads to better decisions and ultimately a better government.   Christina Ho is the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Accounting Policy and Financial Transparency and Dorrice Roth is the Deputy Chief Financial Officer at the Department of the Treasury.

21 ноября, 12:57

A Comparison between the College Scorecard and Mobility Report Cards

​ Introduction   In 2015, the Department of Education launched the College Scorecard, a vast database of student outcomes at specific colleges and universities developed from a variety of administrative data sources. The Scorecard provides the most comprehensive and accurate information available on the post-enrollment outcomes of students, like whether they get a job, the rate at which they repay their loans, and how much they earn.   While labor-market success is certainly not the end-all-be-all of higher education, the notion that a college education is a ticket to a good job and a pathway to economic opportunity is intrinsic to the tax benefits and financial support provided by federal and state governments, to the willingness of parents and families to shoulder the burden of college’s high costs, and to the dreams of millions of students. More than 86% percent of freshmen say that “to be able to get a better job” is a “very important” reason for going to college.[1]   That is why the College Scorecard is a breakthrough—for the first time, students have access to detailed and reliable information on the economic outcomes of students after leaving college, including the vast majority of colleges that are non-selective or otherwise fall between the cracks of other information providers.   The data show that at every type of post-secondary institution, the differences in post-college earnings across institutions are profound. Some students attend institutions where many students don’t finish, or that don’t lead to good jobs.      Moreover, the analysis behind the Scorecard suggested not only that there are large differences across institutions in their economic outcomes, but that these differences are relevant to would-be students. For instance, the evidence in the Scorecard showed that when a low-income student goes to a school with a high completion rates and good post-college earnings, she is likely to do as well as anyone else there. While there are large differences between where rich and poor kids are likely to apply and attend, there is little difference in their outcomes after leaving school: the poorest aid recipients earn almost as much as the richest borrowers. This pattern suggests, at least, that low-income students are not mismatched or underqualified for the schools they currently attend. But it is also consistent with powerful evidence from academic studies that show that when marginal students get a shot at a higher-quality institution their graduation rates and post-college earnings converge toward those of their new peers (Zimmerman 2014, Goodman et al. 2015).   Hence, the Scorecard is likely to provide useful information for students, policymakers, and administrators on important measures of post-college success, access to college by disadvantaged students, and economic mobility.  Indeed, the College Scorecard shows that great economic outcomes are not exclusive to Ivy-League students. Many institutions have both good outcomes and diverse origins—institutions whose admissions policies, or lack thereof, take in disproportionate shares of poor kids and lift them up the economic ladder.   Nevertheless, the design of the Scorecard required making methodological choices to produce the data on a regular basis, and making it simple and accessible required choosing among specific measures intended to be representative. Some of these choices were determined by data availability or other considerations.  Some choices have been criticized (e.g. Whitehurst and Chingos 2015). Other valuable indicators could not be reliably produced on a regular basis or in a way that evolved over time as college or student outcomes changed.   In part to address these issues, we supported the research that lead to the creation of Mobility Report Cards, which provide a test of the validity and robustness of the College Scorecard and an expansion of its scope.   Mobility Report Cards (MRCs) attempt to answer the question “which colleges in America contribute the most to helping children climb the income ladder?” and characterize rates of intergeneration income mobility at each college in the United States. The project draws on de-identified administrative data covering over 30 million college students from 1999 to 2013, and focuses on students enrolled between the ages of 18 and 22, for whom both their parents’ income information and their own subsequent labor-market outcomes can be observed.  MRCs provide new information on access to colleges of children from different family backgrounds, the likelihood that low-income students at different colleges move up in the income distribution, and trends in access over time.   Background on College Scorecard   The College Scorecard provides detailed information on the labor-market outcomes of financial-aid recipients post enrollment, including average employment status and measures of earnings for employed graduates; outcomes for specific groups of students, like students from lower-income families, dependent students, and for women and men; and measures of those outcomes early and later in their post-college careers. These outcome measures are specific to the students receiving federal aid, and to the institutions those students attend. And the outcome measures are constructed using technical specifications similar to those used to measure other student outcomes, like the student loan Cohort Default Rate, which allows for a consistent framework for measurement while allowing institution outcomes to evolve from cohort to cohort.   The technical paper accompanying the College Scorecard spelled out the important properties and limitations of the federal data used in the Scorecard, regarding the share of students covered, the institutions covered, the construction of cohorts, the level of aggregation of statistics, and how the earnings measures were used.   These choices were made subject to certain constraints on disclosure, statistical reliability, reproducibility, and operational capacity, and with specific goals of making the data regularly available (updating it on an annual basis), using measurement concepts similar to those used in other education-related areas (like student loan outcomes), and providing measures that could evolve over time as characteristics of schools and student outcomes changed. These constraints imposed tradeoffs and required choices. Moreover, the research team producing the MRCs was not bound by certain of these methodological requirements or design goals, and thus could make alternative choices. Despite making different choices, however, the analysis below shows that on balance the outcome measures common to both projects are extremely similar.   In brief, the Scorecard estimates are based on data from the National Student Loan Data System (NSLDS) covering undergraduate students receiving federal aid.  NSLDS data provides information on certain characteristics of students, the calendar time and student’s reported grade level when they first received aid, and detailed information on the institution they attended (such as the 6- and 8-digit Office of Postsecondary Education Identification number OPEID). These data and identifiers are regularly used as the basis for reporting institution-specific student outcomes, like the Cohort Default Rate or disbursements of federal aid.  For purposes of constructing economic outcomes using these data, all undergraduate aid recipients were assigned an entry cohort—either the year they first received aid if a first-year college student, or an imputation for their entry year based on the year they were first aided and their academic level. (For instance, if a student self-reported entering their second undergraduate year in the first year they received aid, they would be assigned a cohort year for the previous year.[2]) If a student attended more than one institution as an undergraduate, that student was included in the cohorts of each institution (i.e. their outcomes were included in the average outcomes of each institution—just as is done with the Cohort Default Rate). These data were linked to information from administrative tax and education data at specific intervals post-entry (e.g. 6, 8, and 10 years after the cohort entry year). Adjacent cohorts were combined (e.g. entry cohorts in 2000 and 2001 were linked to outcomes in 2010 and 2011, respectively).  Individuals who are not currently in the labor market (defined as having zero earnings) are excluded. And institution-by-cohort specific measures like mean or median earnings and the fraction of students that earn more than $25,000 (among those working), were constructed for the cohorts (e.g. mean earnings for non-enrolled, employed aid recipients ten years after entry for the combined 2000 and 2001 cohorts). Each year, the sample was rolled forward one year, with the earlier cohort being dropped and a new cohort being added, allowing the sample to evolve over time.   This focus on aid recipients is natural for producing estimates related to aid outcomes, like student debt levels or the ratio of debt to earnings. Moreover, these data are regularly used to produce institution-specific accountability measures, like the Cohort Default Rate, which are familiar to stakeholders and authorized and regularly used to report institution-specific outcomes. Constructing the sample based on entry year and rolling forward one year allowed for comparisons within schools over time, to assess improvement or the effects of other changes on student outcomes.   The focus of and choices underlying the Scorecard also had several potential disadvantages, which were noted in the technical paper or by reviewers offering constructive criticism (e.g. Whitehurst and Chingos 2015).  These limitations, criticisms, and omissions of the Scorecard include the following specific to the methodology and data limitations.    First, the Scorecard’s sample of students includes only federal student aid recipients. While these students are an obvious focus of aid policies, and comprise a majority of students at many institutions, high-income students whose families cover full tuition are excluded from the analysis. Moreover, schools with more generous financial aid often have a smaller share of students on federal financial aid, implying that the share and type of students included in the Scorecard vary across colleges.   Unfortunately, the information needed to assign students to a specific entry cohort at a specific educational institution and to report institution-specific data is not available at the same degree of reliability and uniformity for non-federal-aid recipients.  For instance, Form 1098-T (used to administer tax credits for tuition paid) may not identify specific institutions or campuses (e.g. within a state university system) and does not report information on the academic level or entry year of the student. In addition, certain disclosure standards prevented the publication of institution-specific data. Estimates based on aggregated statistics (as are used in the Mobility Report Cards) include an element of (deliberate) uncertainty in the outcomes, and subjectivity in terms estimation methodology.   Second, FAFSA family income may not be a reliable indicator of access or opportunity. FAFSA family income is measured differently depending on whether students are dependent or independent; it is missing for many that do not receive aid; and it can be misleading for those who are independent borrowers. Unfortunately, information on family background is generally only available for FAFSA applicants (aid recipients) who are dependents at the time of application. Mobility Report Cards provide a more comprehensive and uniform measure of family income, but only for the cohorts of students they are able to link back to their parents (e.g. those born after 1979.)   Mobility Report Cards   The above factors raised concerns about the Scorecard’s reliability and usefulness to stakeholders. In an effort to assess the validity and robustness of Scorecard measures using an alternative sample and with more consistent definitions of family income and more outcomes, we supported the analysis behind the study “Mobility Report Cards: The Role of Colleges in Intergenerational Mobility in the U.S.” (Chetty, Friedman, Saez, Turner, and Yagan 2017).   Perhaps most importantly, the Mobility Report Card (MRC) uses records from the Treasury Department on tuition-paying students in conjunction with Pell-grant records from the Department of Education in order to construct nearly universal attendance measures at all U.S. colleges between the ages of 18 and 22. Thus the MRC sample of students is more  comprehensive of this population relative to the Scorecard. However, older students are generally not included in the MRC sample and certain institutions cannot be separately identified in the MRC sample. Furthermore, the MRC methodology relies on producing estimates of institutional outcomes rather than producing actual data on institution outcomes. At certain institutions, particularly those that enroll a disproportionate share of older students (such as for-profit and community colleges) and where a large share students receive Title IV aid, the Scorecard provides a more comprehensive sample of student outcomes.[3]   Another area of difference is that the MRC organizes its analysis around entire birth cohorts who can be linked to parents in their adolescence. It then measures whether and where each member of the birth cohort attends college. By following full birth cohorts, cross-college comparisons of adult earnings in the MRC measure earnings at the same age (32-34), unlike the Scorecard which measures adult earnings across colleges at different points in the lifecycle, depending on when the students attended the college.  The advantage of the MRC approach is that it allows a comprehensive analysis of the outcomes of the entire birth cohort at regular intervals.  However, the disadvantage mentioned above is that there is no information on older cohorts born prior to 1980.   In addition, the MRC includes zero-earners in its earnings measures, whereas the Scorecard excludes them from their measures of earnings outcomes.[4] Because it is not possible to differentiate individuals who are involuntarily unemployed (e.g. who were laid off from a job) from those who are out of the labor force by choice (in school, raising children, or retired), the Scorecard focused on measuring earnings specifically for those who clearly were participating in the labor market.   Finally, family income in the MRC is measured consistently across cohorts using a detailed and relatively comprehensive measure of household income: total pre-tax income at the household level averaged between the kid ages of 15 and 19, as reflected on the parents’ tax forms.   The design choices made in developing the MRC come at the cost of published statistics not being exact and instead being granular estimates (see Chetty Friedman Saez Turner Yagan 2016) and of not being as easily replicable over time. However, the MRC’s design addresses many of the critiques made of the Scorecard. If the critiques of the Scorecard are quantitatively important, one should find that the MRC and Scorecard values differ substantially. In other words, the MRC data provide an estimate of how much the data constraints and methodological choices affect the data quality.   Comparison of the College Scorecard and Mobility Report Cards   The most basic test of the robustness of the Scorecard to the variations embodied in the MRC is to compare the main Scorecard adult earnings measure—median earnings of students ten years after they attend a college—with the analogous measure from the MRC: median earnings in 2014 (age 32-34) of the 1980-1982 birth cohort by college. For shorthand, we refer to these measures as Scorecard median earnings and MRC median earnings, respectively.   Figure 1 plots MRC median earnings versus Scorecard median earnings.[5] Both median earnings measures are plotted in thousands of 2015 dollars. Overlaid on the dots is the regression line on the underlying college-level data.     Figure 1   The graph shows an extremely tight, nearly-one-for-one relationship: a slope of 1.12 with an R2 of 0.92. Visually one can see that not only does each extra thousand dollars of Scorecard median earnings typically translate into an extra thousand dollars of MRC median earnings, but the levels line up very closely as well. Hence across the vast majority of colleges, Scorecard median earnings are very close to MRC median earnings.   The close correspondence between MRC median earnings and Scorecard median earnings can also be seen when examining college-level comparison lists. For example, among colleges with at least 500 students, almost exactly the same colleges appear in the top rankings using either measure.  (This is natural given the very high R2 reported in Figure 1.) Hence, the Scorecard and MRC share a very tight relationship. In unreported analysis, we find that two offsetting effects tend to explain this very tight relationship between Scorecard median earnings and MRC median earnings. On the one hand, the MRC’s inclusion of students who earn nothing as adults somewhat reduces each college’s median adult earnings. On the other hand, the MRC’s inclusion of students from high-income families somewhat increases each college’s median adult earnings, as students from high-income families are somewhat more likely to earn high incomes as adults. The two competing effects tend to offset each other in practice, yielding MRC median earnings that are quite close to Scorecard median earnings.   While some schools are outliers, in the sense that the measures differ, those examples are often readily explained by differences in methodological choices. For instances, because the Scorecard conditions on having positive earnings, schools where an unusually high share of students voluntarily leave the labor force have different outcomes in the MRC than the Scorecard. The other important contributor to outliers is the MRC’s restriction to students enrolled between ages 18 and 22, which tends to exclude many older, mid-career workers. These individuals tend both to be employed, often have relatively high earnings, and tend to enroll at for-profit schools (or other schools aimed at providing mid-career credentials). The Scorecard includes these students, whereas the MRC tends to exclude them.   Conclusion   The College Scorecard was created to provide students, families, educators, and policymakers with new information on the outcomes of students attending each college in the United States, and improving the return on federal tax and expenditure programs. Mobility Report Cards expand the scope of the information on the outcomes and the characteristics of students attending American colleges. Our analysis finds a very high degree of agreement at the college level between Scorecard median adult earnings and Mobility Report Card median adult earnings, suggesting that the Scorecard is a reliable tool measuring the outcomes of students and institutions that benefit from federal student aid and tax expenditures. References   Chetty, Raj, John N. Friedman, Emmanuel Saez, Nicholas Turner, and Danny Yagan. “Mobility Report Cards: The Role of Colleges in Intergenerational Mobility in the U.S.”. (2016).   Goodman, Joshua, Michael Hurwitz, and Jonathan Smith. “Access to Four-Year Public Colleges and Degree Completion.” Journal of Labor Economics (2017).   Whitehurst, Grover J. and Matthew M. Chingos. “Deconstructing and Reconstructing the College Scorecard.” Brookings Working Paper (2015).   Zimmerman, Seth D. "The returns to college admission for academically marginal students." Journal of Labor Economics 32.4 (2014): 711-754.   Adam Looney, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tax Analysis at the US Department of Treasury. [1] https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/rampage/wp/2015/02/17/why-do-americans-go-to-college-first-and-foremost-they-want-better-jobs [2] This assignment was capped at two years, so that students reported entering their third, fourth, or fifth year were assigned a cohort two years prior. [3] For instance, in the 2002 Scorecard entry cohort, 42 percent of students were over age 22 when they first received aid.     [4] The Scorecard data base does include the fraction of borrowers without earnings, which allows for the computation of unconditional mean earnings. [5] We also restrict to colleges with at least 100 MRC students on average across the 1980-1982 birth cohorts and to colleges that have observations in both the Scorecard and the MRC. For MRC colleges that are groups of Scorecard colleges, we use the count-weighted mean of Scorecard mean earnings across colleges within a group. See Chetty Friedman Saez Turner Yagan (2016) for grouping details.

21 ноября, 12:57

Unveiling the Future of Liberty

Earlier today, I was honored to join Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew and Deputy Secretary Sarah Bloom Raskin to unveil designs for the 2017 American Liberty Gold Coin. The unveiling not only marked a historic milestone for the allegorical Lady Liberty, who has been featured on American coinage since the late 1790s, but also served to kick-off the Mint’s 225th anniversary—a year-long public awareness campaign about its mission, facilities and employees. I am very proud of the fact that the United States Mint is rooted in the Constitution. Our founding fathers realized the critical need for our fledgling nation to have a respected monetary system, and over the last 225 years, the Mint has never failed in its mission to enable America’s growth and stability by protecting assets entrusted to us and manufacturing coins and medals to facilitate national commerce. We have chosen “Remembering our Past, Embracing the Future” as the Mint’s theme for our 225th Anniversary year. This beautiful coin truly embodies that theme. The coin demonstrates our roots in the past through such traditional elements as the inscriptions United States of America, Liberty, E Pluribus Unum and In God We Trust. We boldly look to the future by casting Liberty in a new light, as an African-American woman wearing a crown of stars, looking forward to ever brighter chapters in our Nation’s history book. The 2017 American Liberty Gold Coin is the first in a series of 24-karat gold coins the United States Mint will issue biennially. These coins will feature designs that depict an allegorical Liberty in a variety of contemporary forms including designs representing Asian-Americans, Hispanic-Americans, and Indian-Americans among others to reflect the cultural and ethnic diversity of the United States.​ 2017 American Liberty Gold Coin obverse (left) and reverse (right). (United States Mint Photos)   Rhett Jeppson is the Principal Deputy Director of the U.S. Mint.    

21 ноября, 12:57

One in Five 2014 Marketplace Consumers was a Small Business Owner or Self-Employed

​Independent Workers Are Almost Three Times More Likely To Rely on Marketplace Coverage than Other Workers   Today, Treasury released a report with new data on sources of health insurance coverage for small business owners and self-employed workers. These data show that the Affordable Care Act (ACA’s) Health Insurance Marketplaces are playing an especially crucial role in providing health coverage to entrepreneurs and other independent workers.   Prior to the Affordable Care Act, workers without employer-sponsored health insurance often lacked options for affordable coverage. Not only did high uninsured rates impede access to care and worsen financial security, but the risk of ending up without health insurance coverage prevented some individuals from striking out on their own. Experts considered “job lock,” or individuals’ need to stay in an employment situation to maintain health coverage, a significant impediment to entrepreneurship. To help address these challenges, the ACA’s Marketplaces were designed to offer portable health insurance coverage to small business owners and other independent workers, a growing segment of the economy.   One in five 2014 Marketplace consumers was a small business owner or self-employed   New data included in today’s Treasury Department report on alternative work arrangements show that small business owners and self-employed workers are taking advantage of the opportunity to purchase health coverage through the Marketplaces.[1] In 2014, 1.4 million Marketplace consumers were self-employed, small business owners, or both, indicating that about one in five 2014 Marketplace consumers was a small business owner or self-employed. Indeed, among the 5.3 million workers who purchased Marketplace coverage for themselves (excluding their children or non-working spouses), about 28 percent were workers whose income was not primarily earned from wages paid by an employer.   In fact, small business owners and self-employed individuals were nearly three times as likely to purchase Marketplace coverage as other workers. Nearly 10 percent of small business owners and more than 10 percent of gig economy workers got coverage through the Marketplace in 2014. Among small business owners and other independent workers, those with annual incomes below $65,000 were the most likely to rely on the Marketplace for health insurance. Middle- and lower-income Americans who buy coverage through the Marketplace are eligible for tax credits to help keep coverage affordable. About 65 percent of small business owners and 69 percent of all self-employed or independent workers have incomes below $65,000.   Between 2014 and 2015, the number of people who signed up for Marketplace coverage increased by around 50 percent. And enrollment increased further in 2016, and is poised to rise again in 2017. Marketplace coverage among independent workers has almost certainly risen as well. HHS is also partnering with outside companies that support freelance workers, entrepreneurs, and start-ups to reach more independent workers with information about Marketplace coverage and financial assistance.   Geographic patterns in small business owners’ and independent workers’ health coverage   Today’s report includes detailed state-by-state data on Marketplace participation among entrepreneurs and independent workers. In all 50 states and D.C., thousands of small business owners and independent workers bought Marketplace coverage in 2014. Of note:   ·         The ten states with the highest share of small business owners relying on the Marketplace for coverage were Vermont, Idaho, Florida, Montana, Maine, California, New Hampshire, Washington, D.C., Rhode Island, and North Carolina.   ·         The 10 states with the largest number of small business owners with Marketplace coverage were California, Florida, Texas, New York, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Washington, and Virginia.     Adam Looney is the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Tax Analysis at the U.S. Department of Treasury. Kathryn Martin is the Acting Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation at the U.S Department of Health and Human Services.   [1] The Treasury report defines small business owners as Schedule C filers whose business activities (measured by expenses and gross receipts) exceed certain de minimis thresholds (a minimum of $5,000 of business expenses and either $15,000 of gross receipts or $10,000 of business expenses). Self-employed workers are defined as individuals who earn at least 85 percent of their earnings from operating a sole-proprietorship. “Gig economy workers” are those whose self-employment income derives in part or in whole from activities conducted through an online platform.  ​

21 ноября, 12:56

400 former Chinese nationals now stateless in Argentina

Officials with the Chinese embassy in Argentina are said to be in contact with lawyers in Argentina about the possibility of assisting around 400 former Chinese nationals who now find themselves "without a country," reports chinanews.com.

21 ноября, 12:54

How changing the mortgage interest deduction could impact you in three scenarios

Few Americans claim it. Those who do tend to make more than $100,000.

21 ноября, 12:51

Woman reconfirms Roy Moore allegations in her first television interview

Leigh Corfman, who says the Alabama Senate GOP nominee touched her sexually when she was 14 and he was 32, rejected his claim that he has never met her in an interview on the “Today” show.

21 ноября, 12:51

Second woman accuses Franken of inappropriate touching

But the senator, who is spending the holidays in D.C., has no plans to step down, according to multiple Democrats.

21 ноября, 12:51

Meet Paul Ryan’s ‘Cindy,’ a single mom who he says gets $700 from the tax bill

The house speaker fails to account for what happens after 2018 in his estimate for Cindy.

21 ноября, 12:51

Meet Paul Ryan's 'Cindy,' a single mom who he says gets $700 from the tax bill

Ryan's numbers add up, to a certain extent. But he only tells half of the story.

21 ноября, 12:39

Zimbabwe: Mnangagwa to return for talks with Mugabe

President Robert Mugabe seems to have ignored the Monday deadline his party, ZANU-PF, gave him to step down. He has, however, been in contact with former vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa, who had left Zimbabwe when he was fired by Mugabe two weeks ago. Commander of Zimbabwe Defence Forces General Constantine Chiwenga says Emmerson Mnangagwa will return soon. Mugabe’s move has not endeared him to his people, whose calls for his resignation are getting louder by the day, with many saying that Mugabe is too old and must retire. The ruling party is moving forward with their efforts to remove the 93-year-old president, intending to file an impeachment motion in parliament on Tuesday. Al Jazeera's Haru Mutasa reports from Harare - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

21 ноября, 12:33

Who is in charge of Zimbabwe?

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe appears to have ignored a deadline to resign. His ruling Zanu-PF party had told him he must step down - or be impeached. Now it says that process will begin. The party is accusing Mugabe of being responsible for political instability, and an unprecedented economic tailspin. And frustration is turning to anger with hundreds of students out protesting, demanding Mugabe get out of office. So, what's next for Zimbabweans desperate for change. Presenter: Laura Kyle Guests: Bright Matonga, former government spokesman and deputy information minister under Presideny Mugabe. Muna Ndulo, professor of law and constitiional expert at Cornell Law School. Earnest Mudzengi, political commentator and director of the Zimbabwe Media Centre. - Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe - Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish - Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera - Check our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/

21 ноября, 12:24

Александр Скляр: «Я вижу Высоцкого, без сомнения, как русского поэта»

Презентация альбома "Оставайтесь, друзья, моряками". Фото: Геополитика.ру 20 ноября в московском клубе «16 тонн» прошла закрытая презентация нового альбома группы «Ва-Банкъ» - Александра Ф. Скляра и Александра Белоносова «Оставайтесь, друзья, моряками!». В новом альбоме представлены 13 песен Владимира Высоцкого, исполненные самим Скляром и его коллегами. Официальный выход альбома – 24 ноября. Выход альбома приурочен к круглым датам: в следующем году сразу два юбилея - Владимиру Высоцкому исполнилось бы 80 лет, а Александр Скляр отпразднует 60-летие. На закрытой презентации Скляр и Белоносов ответили на самые важные вопросы: почему Высоцкий - все-таки русский, а не советский поэт, почему его так привлекали природные стихии, и какие песни показывают метафизическую сторону поэта – не просто певца, но мыслителя. Антиэстрада «Этот альбом - дань уважения Владимира Семеновича и моей любви к нему, - пояснил идею Скляр, - Итоговый взгляд на самую значимую песенную фигуру в нашей русской культуре ХХ века - это была наша творческая задача». Создатели альбома в первую очередь подчеркнули, что Высоцкий – не эстрадный певец, и очень раздражает, когда голосистые деятели исполняют его песни, не разбираясь в смысле. «Мы возились долго с записью вокала – чтобы каждая интонация, каждый смысл получил свою точную передачу. Здесь все должно быть безупречно с точки зрения стиха», - пояснил Белоносов. Скляр и Белоносов на презентации нового альбома. Фото: Геополитика.ру «Его исполнение своих собственных песен практически безупречно, потому что он как актер знал, что и как он хочет передать, - добавил он, - Была идея - найти некий ключ, который позволил бы нам отойти от Владимира Семеновича, сделать это под другим углом. И возникла любопытная идея: мы представили себе, как бы прозвучали песни Высоцкого в то время, когда он был жив и активно работал, если бы в его ближайшем окружении были друзья-музыканты, которые виртуозно владели искусством исполнения олдскульного рок-н-ролла и блюза. Мы знаем, что в его окружении таких людей, к сожалению, не было. Эта идея стала для с отправной точкой, по которой мы дальше выстраивали каждую песню». Название альбома связано со следующими строками из песни Высоцкого «Вы в огне и на море»: «Оставайтесь, ребята, людьми, становясь моряками; Становясь капитаном - храните матроса в себе!». Русский поэт Александр Скляр рассказал Геополитике.ру о том, как он видит фигуру самого Высоцкого в широком контексте русской культуры. «Я вижу Высоцкого, без сомнения, как русского поэта, который жил волею судьбы в советское время, - отметил музыкант, - Он шире советского поэта, он глубже советского поэта. Высоцкий – поэт в самом высоком смысле этого слова. Конечно, он неравнозначен – но ни один из поэтов не бывает равнозначным во всех своих произведениях». Высоцкий смог объединить целую страну и несколько поколений. На вопрос о том, станет ли поэт объединяющим звеном и для молодых поколений, Скляр высказал предположение, что это возможно. По крайней мере, поколение 25-30-летних все еще понимает и любит Высоцкого, и остается надежда, что и нынешние дети смогут понять этот пласт культуры. «Что касается следующего поколения – условно говоря, детей наших детей, - пока не могу вам сказать, трудно. Я совсем их не знаю, совсем их не чувствую – они еще слишком маленькие, - отметил Скляр, - Но мне почему-то кажется, что какими-то песнями и высказываниями Высоцкий достучится и до них. Поэтому думаю, что и следующее поколение воспримет Высоцкого – конечно, по-своему, не так как мы его воспринимали. Он не будет важной частью их жизни, как для нас, но то, что он остается актуальным, для меня нет никаких сомнений». Стихийный мыслитель Альбом «Оставайтесь, друзья, моряками» фактически целиком посвящен природе и стихиям – морю, огню и горам, ветрам и шторму. В песне «Гимн морю и горам» есть поистине алхимические строчки, отметил Скляр: «Служение стихиям не терпит суеты». Через морскую тематику Высоцкий говорил о самых важных для него вещах, убежден Скляр. Есть еще крайне важная для понимания Высоцкого как мыслителя песня - «Белое безмолвие»: «…И наградой за ночи отчаянья Будет вечный полярный день…» «Это одна из самых его метафизических песен – в ней отражается философский Высоцкий, может быть, в наибольшей степени. Эта песня показывает нам, что Высоцкий думал о себе как о мыслителе», - полагает Скляр. По его словам, в новом исполнении музыканты постарались придать песне трансцендентную трактовку. «Я убедился, что Высоцкому работа со стихиями была крайне важна как поэту. Он первый для меня открыл родственность гор и моря, поэтически». «Видимо, водная стихия была для Высоцкого важна». Еще одно открытие для Скляра - песня «В куски разлетелася корона». Музыкант сразу почувствовал «абсолютную актуальность песни, учитывая водораздел, который произошел в нашем обществе в России в 2014 году». «В куски разлетелася корона,             Нет державы, нет и трона.             Жизнь России и законы -                         Все к чертям!             И мы, словно загнанные в норы,             Словно пойманные воры,             Только кровь одна с позором                         Пополам… …Все разбилось, поломалось,             Нам осталось только малость -             Только выстрелить в висок иль во врага» Еще об альбоме: Идея реализовалась благодаря компании «Союз», а также непосредственно таланту участников-музыкантов: это Николай Девлет-Кильдеев, Михаил Клякин, Антон Хабибулин, Абелардо Альфонсо Лопес Качао. Там же звучит саксофон Сергея Летова, тромбон Максима Пиганова, стихотворение, исполненное сыном Высоцкого - Никиты, и голоса Марии Макаровой и Екатерины Гусевой, Дмитрия Харатьяна. 

21 ноября, 12:01

Сельское хозяйство Китая

По приглашению Глазьева вылетаем в Пекин.Сергей Юрьевич, как экономист изучает различные возможности и векторы экономического развития и, разумеется, важным партнёром для нашей страны видит Китай. Много лет поддерживает связи с экономистами и руководством этой страны, и в очередную поездку пригласил мою персону.Мне интересно посмотреть на Китай с точки зрения сельхозмашиностроения и оценить другие возможности.Сельское хозяйство в России и в Китае разное.Нашу технику вы представляете. Мы стремимся сделать её всё более производительной, мощной.  Она в целом ориентирована на большие поля, требует размаха.В Китае хозяйства по нашим меркам очень маленькие, измеряются не гектарами, а сотками.Посмотрите на используемую в Китае сельхозтехнику. Это техника не простая, это техника эффективная. В Китае с помощью такой техники выращивают зерна 5 раз больше, чем выращивают в России.Несколько лет назад я уже был в Китае.Тогда партия поставила задачу перевести сельское хозяйство Китая на современную эффективную технику. Одна крупная фирма, специализирующаяся на производстве строительно-дорожной техники, решила с нами обсудить поставки и производство техники Ростсельмаш в Китае.Нам показали огромные современные заводы.Презентовали опытные фермы с мощной техникой компании Ростсельмаш и техникой крупных западных брендов.В одном из представленных хозяйств земли, сказали, используют 10 тыс.  гектаров. Сколько сотрудников?  2 тыс.Я сказал президенту машиностроительной компании, члену ЦК партии: Подумайте, надо ли вам действительно переводить с/х на индустриальные рельсы.Техника, которую закупили для опытной фермы, действительно производительная. При правильном использовании для обработки 10 тыс. га в хозяйстве нужно не 2 тысячи человек, а 200.Из одного хозяйства надо удалить 1800 сотрудников. Найдёти ли вы им место в городе?Говорит: Да? Подумаем.Некоторое время спустя читаю в новостях: задача укрупнения ферм в Китае снята. Правительство и далее будет поддерживать малые формы хозяйствования.(Кстати, также действуют и в Америке, и в ЕС. Размер фермы в Германии - 150 га)Может, этот разговор и не сыграл существенной роли в коррекции аграрной политики.Но всё же приятно воображать себя человеком, которого слышат и который спас многих людей от потери работы, от маргинализации.Что ж, сельхозтехника в России и в Китае используется разная, но на ней экономика не заканчивается. Сотрудничать всё равно надо.Посмотрим, какие для этого есть возможности.Один из обсуждаемых проектов — продавать в Китай пресную воду. Возить её танкерами с Камчатки.Звучит забавно.Короче, посмотрим. Китай — интересная страна.

21 ноября, 12:00

Арктический бурлак: русский вездеход для севера

Будь у злодея Стэплтона из «Собаки Баскервилей» такая машина, он мог бы, не рискуя ничем, кататься вглубь Гримпенской трясины, возить с собой своего кошмарного гигантского пса и еще много другого груза. Снегоболотоход «Бурлак», предсерийный образец которого построен в Екатеринбурге, – это настоящий грузовик, ему нипочем глубокий снег, лед, вода, болота.

16 апреля 2016, 08:16

Великий геноцид: По данным ВОЗ не более 50% 16-летних юношей России доживут до пенсионного возраста

"...Создавшееся положение в здоровье населения и в здравоохранении России следует рассматривать как кризисное, требующее принятия чрезвычайных и безотлагательных мер на государственном уровне, несмотря на сложнейшие экономический и внешнеполитический фон и обстоятельства."...Здоровье не декларативно, а на деле должно стать первейшим государственным приоритетом"В настоящее время вопрос уже не в том, есть ли в России кризис народного здоровья, а в том, не перешел ли он уже точку "невозврата", осталось ли вообще время, чтобы выправить положение. Или у нас уже нет надежды на восстановление былого (а тем более, оптимального) демографического, социально-экологического и медико-социального равновесия и народу России предстоит пережить период тяжелого не только духовного, но и социального распада? Чего ждать - социальных потрясений (взрывы возмущения, конфликты, насилие), либо (и к этому как бы "приучают") медленного "гниения" и деградации народа, дезинтеграции его целостности, его физического, духовного и социального вырождения?"Из доклада Чрезвычайного Пироговского съезда врачей.Война за здоровье населения России проиграна. Неэффективность применения принятых в настоящее время методов лечения очевидна. В России в результате двух десятилетий "реформ" заболеваемость туберкулёзом увеличилась в 200 раз. РФ абсолютно лидирует (на душу населения) по смертности от заболеваний сердечно-сосудистой системы. По числу психически больных Россия опережает весь мир. Страна переместилась во всемирном рейтинге здоровья на позорное 97 место из 145, получив в качестве ближайших соседей Восточный Тимор (96 место) и Ирак (98). (агентство Bloomberg http://ria.ru/analytics/20120817/725601402.html ) 70% детей рождаются в состоянии асфиксии (кислородного голодания). Заболеваемость детей до 14 лет увеличилась за последние 20 лет на 50% По данным ВОЗ не более 50% 16-летних юношей России доживут до пенсионного возраста.Прогноз ВОЗ не является полноценным эпидемиологическим диагнозом (эпидемиология - биомедицинская наука, которая занимается исследованием факторов и условий, определяющих частоту и распространение заболеваний и инвалидности среди населения, выявляющая причинно-следственные связи патогенетического процесса, т.е. фундаментальная наука по изучению причинности нездоровья) поскольку не учитывает динамику негативных процессов. Это примитивная экстраполяция статистически значимых существующих тенденций.Полноценный, с применением методов ретроспективного, перспективного и оперативного анализа и учета гигиенической экспертизы окружающей среды эпидемиологический диагноз намного пессимистичнее. Состояние здоровья детской части популяции ужасающе, с учетом постоянно действующей катастрофы, называющейся системой "здравоохранения" прогноз крайне неблагоприятный. ИЗ ДЕТЕЙ ДОШКОЛЬНОГО ВОЗРАСТА ДО ПЕНСИОННОГО ВОЗРАСТА В РОССИИ НЕ ДОЖИВЕТ НИКТО Они уже умирают, ими переполнены отделения детской онкологии, они умирают от инсультов и сосудистых катастроф, аритмий и инфарктов.Патологоанатомы и гистологи описывают результаты секционных исследований: патологии скелета, уменьшение стерно-вертебрального расстояния, очаговые дистрофические изменения кардиомиоцитов, очаги деструкции волокнистых структур, альцианофилию, миксоматозную дегенерацию ткани, нарушения в волокнистом строении стенки аорты: дезориентированные коллагеновые и эластические волокна, расположенные разрозненными группами, с формированием неполноценных пучков, с отсутствием спиралеобразования у большинства волокон, частично фрагментированными, признаки хронического бронхита с атрофией слизистой оболочки, выраженной пролиферацией соединительнотканных элементов и диффузным перибронхиальным пневмосклерозом, выраженный стромальный нефросклероз и атрофию слизистой лоханок почек, деструктивные изменения вен связанные с деградацией волокнистых структур: отсутствие упорядоченности эластических волокон, грубую коллагенизацию стенок, накопление альцианофильной субстанции в основном веществе. и т д. . Растет смертность в трудоспособных возрастах (до 39 лет), и в молодых. Причиной служат грубые сосудистые нарушения (в основном аневризмы аорты) и аритмии. ПИШЕТСЯ ПОСМЕРТНЫЙ ЭПИКРИЗ ПАЦИЕНТА ПО ИМЕНИ РОССИЯ Рост заболеваемости и драматическое озлокачествление ее структуры в течении нескольких последних десятилетий подтверждают тупик медицины. Разрушено гораздо большее, чем "тоталитарная советская система контроля и профилактики заболеваний". Разрушена сама ткань здравоохранения, поражены участки мышления и самоконтроля, уничтожены системы адаптации, нарушена реактивность системы и возможность ее регенерации. Игнорировать этот факт безответственно и преступно. Показательно нагло и абсурдно выглядит ситуация в кардиологии. "Прогресс кардиологии" сопровождается ростом смертности от ССЗ. За причины сердечно-сосудистых заболеваний выдаются холестерин, атеросклероз, тромбы, курение и "плохая наследственность" - годится все, что обеспечивает лекарственную зависимость больных, материальную зависимость и управляемость врачей и фармацевтов и главное - фантастические прибыли фармацевтических корпораций. В самую чудовищную аферу в истории человечества вовлечены десятки тысяч врачей, провизоров, физиологов, которые истребляют "холестерин", применяют гипотензивную терапию, ингибируя энергетические и ферментативные процессы, вмешиваются в работу эндокринной, нервной и сосудистой систем, блокируя попытки организма компенсировать физиологический сбой. По факту медицина стала обслуживающей интересы крупного фармацевтического бизнеса структурой, опасной для общества антинаучной сектой, применяющей суггестивные методики для системного обмана пациентов и имитации "лечения". Эпидемиологическая статистика подтверждает: рост фатальной заболеваемости и смертности прямо коррелирует с медико-фармацевтической агрессией. Один штрих для понимания подлинных задач "российского" здравоохранения и фармации. В 1985 году ежегодный отчёт Фонда Рокфеллера подчеркнул, что все силы надо бросить на разработку и внедрение в практику найденного, обладающего антифертильной активностью вещества "Госсипол" "gossypol", или ном. C30H30O8. Его описание гласит: Изучение вызывания химической стерильности мужчин концентрируются на госсиполе, природном веществе, извлекаемом из семян хлопка, который обладает длительным антиконтрацептивным действием на мужчин. Токсический полифенол, извлекаемый из хлопка, показал себя эффективным стерилизующим веществом. И оцените тот факт, что действующее вещество Кагоцела - тот самый госсипол. И то что эта информация удалена из справочной литературы, оставшись лишь в независящей от фармации Википедии "....госсипол (токсичный в свободной форме), являющийся предшественником действующего вещества "Кагоцела", способен угнетать сперматогенез и даже изучался в клинических исследованиях в качестве мужского контрацептива. При этом примерно в 20 % случаев влияние госсипола на сперматогенез носило необратимый характер, что предполагало его применение только у мужчин, "завершивших образование семей или тех, кто допускает необратимое бесплодие" Coutinho E. Gossypol: a contraceptive for men // Contraception. - 2002. -ном. 65 (4). - С. 259-263 Существующую в РФ эпидемиологическую ситуацию корректно характеризовать как совершающуюся на наших глазах целенаправленную хорошо организованную биологическую деградацию Homo sapiens как вида, ставящую под вопрос его дальнейшее существование на планете. Происходящая медико-биологическая катастрофа вышла за рамки проблемы медико-биологической и стала проблемой социальной, экономической, политической, демографической и мировоззренческой. Советское здравоохранение было важным системообразующим элементом структуры социального государства, чрезвычайно эффективным и продуктивным в научном плане. Накануне развала СССР советской биологией и медицинской наукой были сделаны открытия, позволявшие навсегда покончить с фатальными заболеваниями, такими как сердечно-сосудистые заболевания и онкопатологии. Возможно, главной целью развала СССР как раз и было уничтожение коммунитарной социальной модели здравоохранения, препятствующей глобальному проекту сокращения населения планеты, инвазии подлой идеологии иммортализма и трансгуманизма, превращению здоровья в товар, внедрению людоедских технологий трансплантации донорских органов, клеточной терапии, "регенеративной" медицины, использующей донорские ткани.......http://forum-msk.org/material/economic/11673184.html